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The report examines the shift in Eastern Mediterranean geopolitics driven by hydrocarbon discoveries and the formation of trilateral partnerships (Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt). It analyzes these alliances as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and assertive foreign policy. While energy is a primary driver, the report notes that technical, economic, and political obstacles—such as the viability of the EastMed pipeline and maritime boundary disputes—hinder full monetization of gas reserves. The text also explores the domestic drivers of foreign policy in Cyprus and Greece, the historical perceptions of the region from an Israeli perspective, and Turkey's strategic ambition to become a regional energy hub.

The document examines the potential for African public pension funds and Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) to address an annual infrastructure investment deficit of $130–$170 billion. While these institutional investors possess long-term horizons and substantial assets—such as South Africa's $318 billion retirement fund industry—actual infrastructure investment remains low due to a preference for traditional assets, a lack of bankable project pipelines, and regulatory constraints. The paper analyzes the landscapes of five countries and identifies key barriers, including a shortage of liquid financial instruments and a lack of internal expertise to appraise complex infrastructure risks. It suggests that capacity building, resource pooling, and early engagement between developers and regulators are essential to stimulate institutional appetite for this asset class.

The report analyzes local content policies (LCPs) used by mineral-rich nations to increase the use of domestic labor, goods, and services in the mining sector. It details various policy instruments—ranging from mandatory quotas and ownership requirements to government incentives and voluntary business initiatives—and examines their practical application in countries such as Norway, Chile, Ghana, and Brazil. The document argues that LCPs often fail when implemented as blanket provisions without clear objectives or sufficient industrial capacity. It identifies critical prerequisites for success, including institutional readiness, a favorable business climate, and a long-term vision that transcends political cycles. The report concludes that effective LCPs require a combination of quantitative and qualitative measures, robust monitoring through key performance indicators, and strong partnerships between governments, mining firms, and local suppliers to ensure sustainable economic diversification.

The document examines the 'EU migration crisis' and the resulting 'containment compact,' where the EU provides aid and arms to African states to restrict migration. It argues that this approach ignores primary drivers: Africa's youth bulge and income inequality. While the EU faces labour shortages and Africa has a surplus, the current policy focuses on border fortification rather than pragmatic labour mobility agreements. The author contends that without a 'migration safety valve,' both regions face potential political and economic backlash.

The report finds that while armed conflict fatalities in Africa are generally declining, the continent remains vulnerable due to structural drivers including poverty, youth bulges, and poor governance. It notes a shift from rural armed conflict toward urban political protests and riots. The analysis identifies a core group of countries at the highest risk of armed conflict and argues that inclusive economic development and improved governance are the only long-term solutions for stability.

In August 2016, Boko Haram split into two factions: ISIS-WA, led by Abu Musab al-Barnawi and influenced by Mamman Nur, and JAS, led by Abubakar Shekau. The rupture was driven by Shekau's dictatorial leadership and a fundamental ideological dispute over the targeting of Muslim civilians. JAS continues to employ indiscriminate violence and suicide bombings against civilians, while ISIS-WA focuses on large-scale assaults against security forces and attempts to cultivate local support. Both groups rely on local extortion, cattle rustling, and kidnapping for finance, with limited evidence of practical external support despite ISIS-WA's formal alliance with the global Islamic State network. The report concludes that ISIS-WA represents a more significant long-term threat due to its superior military coordination and strategic efforts to win 'hearts and minds' among vulnerable populations.

The author examines the role of the Moscow-Washington 'hotline' and related communication channels in defusing tensions after the US military response to chemical weapons use in Douma, Syria. While the author criticizes the legal basis and evidentiary grounds of the strikes, they emphasize that dialogue between the superpowers prevented a wider conflict. The text also notes the implications for Norway's security and the internal US political dynamics that influenced the limited nature of the military response.

The report finds that while the number of state-based armed conflicts and total casualties declined in 2017, non-state conflicts increased significantly. Syria remained the deadliest conflict, and the Islamic State (IS) was involved in 31% of all conflicts. The authors note a long-term general decline in warfare since the 1950s, though they warn that internationalized intrastate conflicts and religious extremism continue to pose major threats to global peace.

The document argues that while the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance provides a normative framework, democratic processes in Africa have largely stagnated in a transitional phase, often trapped in an 'electoral fallacy' where regular elections occur without deep institutional consolidation. It identifies internal pressures—such as the rise of populism, election-related violence, and long-term leadership—and external pressures—including the influence of non-democratic powers like China, Russia, and Turkey, and a 'security-first' doctrine from Western actors—as primary drivers of democratic recession. Despite these challenges, the author notes positive signals such as the increasing number of charter signatories, the role of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), and the effectiveness of ECOWAS in restoring democracy in specific instances. The briefing recommends limiting the concentration of power through term limits and shifting international investment toward domestic democratic processes rather than just regional frameworks.

The author argues that opposition to immigration is a pervasive popular movement across Europe, regardless of a country's ethnic homogeneity or immigration policy. This trend is contributing to political polarization and a potential 'de-democratization' process, particularly as it aligns with skepticism toward supranational solutions like the EU. The text highlights a divide between 'new' and 'old' Europe, noting that some Eastern European countries lack the same norms of tolerance as Western Europe, which influences their resistance to EU refugee quotas.

The policy brief examines the decline of human rights as a cornerstone of South African foreign policy, contrasting the country's strong domestic human rights framework with its controversial voting record at the UN Security Council and UN Human Rights Council. The author contends that this 'de-norming' undermines South Africa's role as a bridge-builder and normative leader in Africa and the Global South. To reverse this trend, the document recommends a three-point action plan: reconceptualising human rights diplomacy through a national 'indaba', strengthening bilateral ties with human rights-promoting nations, and increasing civil society pressure for government accountability.

The document analyzes the difficulties in establishing the Global Compact for Migration (GCM) compared to the Global Compact on Refugees, citing domestic political pressures, populism, and a lack of UN leadership. It highlights the unequal nature of migration negotiations between the African Union and the European Union, where the EU prioritizes border control while African nations focus on development. The author critiques the GCM's zero draft as a non-binding 'wish list' that lacks accountability mechanisms, though it notes the potential of its proposed capacity-building mechanism to support African regional migration goals.

The document examines the Eastern Mediterranean's transition from a strategic space used by great powers to a distinct geopolitical region. It analyzes the shift toward multipolarity and the emergence of 'proto-regionalism' through trilateral partnerships involving Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. While identifying potential for an Eastern Mediterranean Cooperation Council (EMCC) based on the Gulf Cooperation Council model, the author highlights significant obstacles, including the role of Turkey, the Cyprus conflict, and energy disputes.

The document highlights a critical gap between the growing youth population in Africa and the creation of formal jobs, noting that only three million formal jobs are created annually against 10-12 million new entrants. It argues that structural hurdles—including poor education quality, lack of infrastructure for SMEs, and non-recognition of tertiary qualifications across borders—perpetuate youth unemployment and drive irregular migration to Europe. While citing positive regional examples in agro-processing, tourism, and tech hubs, the author calls for long-term sustainable policies and a shift in AU-EU relations toward legal circular migration pathways rather than a primary focus on security.

The report analyzes the longevity of President Idriss Déby's regime in Chad, highlighting his use of 'armed diplomacy' and military interventions in Mali, CAR, and against Boko Haram to secure international political capital and support from France and the US. It details a domestic system based on ethnic patronage, rigged elections, and repression, while warning that the lack of a clear succession plan, combined with a severe economic crisis driven by falling oil prices and corruption, threatens future stability.

The report argues that the decline in migrant arrivals from Libya in late 2017 resulted from the co-option of smuggling militias by international donors, primarily Italy. This 'anti-smuggling business' allows militia leaders to launder their reputations to avoid international sanctions and position themselves for a future political settlement. However, the authors contend that this strategy creates instability, as seen in the violent conflict in Sabratha, and risks worsening the abuse of migrants. The report advocates for a 'stability first' approach focused on genuine disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR) rather than indiscriminate partnerships with armed groups.

The document analyzes the deteriorating relationship between the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the African Union (AU), specifically focusing on the politicization of the court through UN Security Council referrals in Sudan and Libya. It argues that the AU's preference for political stability and peace-building often clashes with the ICC's judicial mandate. To resolve this, the author suggests a shift toward 'positive complementarity' and the use of hybrid courts, citing the Extraordinary African Chambers (EAC) in Senegal as a successful model for bringing justice closer to victims and respecting state sovereignty while combating impunity.

The author argues that the traditional vision of urban abundance is no longer realistic given systemic risks. By synthesizing theories from David Holmgren and the authors of 'Resilient Cities', the text outlines four potential futures: the Ecotechnic city (successful green transition), the Ecovillage city (radical semi-ruralization), the Enclaved city (authoritarian divide), and the Collapsed city (systemic breakdown). The author suggests that industrialized cities, including those in Europe, may soon reach a 'peak of urbanity' requiring a shift toward depopulation and economic relocalization.

This report by the Institute for Security Studies examines the African Union's (AU) use of mediation as a conflict-prevention tool. It analyzes the institutional gaps, the tension between formal and informal approaches, and the need for a more structured, long-term strategy to address the root causes of conflict in Africa.

The report examines the 'gathering storm clouds' of political and economic uncertainty in the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) region. It argues that a combination of commodity price collapses, neo-patrimonial governance, and rapid population growth is creating a volatile environment. The analysis highlights a critical gap between population growth and the provision of basic services, alongside a history of 'pseudo-democratic' regimes that resist genuine political transition. The authors warn that without strategic diversification of economies and significant investment in human capital, the region's large youth population could become a catalyst for further instability and violence.