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The paper outlines a comprehensive framework to prevent conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) by integrating survivor-centric and trauma-informed approaches. It advocates for a multisectoral strategy that spans primary prevention (stopping occurrence), secondary prevention (preventing escalation), and tertiary prevention (addressing long-term harm and accountability). The author emphasizes the need for intersectional analysis, local community engagement, and the alignment of policies with the lived realities of survivors across diverse identities.

The paper argues that the armed organization to which a person belongs is the most powerful predictor of whether they become a perpetrator of conflict-related sexual violence. Using datasets like SVAC and ACLED, it finds that while state forces have historically been more frequent perpetrators, there is a recent trend of increasing reports involving rebel groups. The author identifies key organizational risk factors, such as forced recruitment and child soldiering, which use sexual violence as a socialization tool for group cohesion. Conversely, restraint is linked to strong internal governance, such as electoral leader selection and ideological norms. The paper suggests that policy interventions should target organizational structures and use risk factors as early warning indicators rather than focusing solely on individual perpetrators.

The paper argues that LGBTQI+ individuals are specifically targeted for their nonconformity to cis-heteronormative norms, with visibility acting as a primary risk factor. It highlights that such violence occurs on a continuum across public and private spheres, perpetrated by state actors, armed groups, and family members. The authors advocate for an intersectional framework to avoid homogenizing the LGBTQI+ community and emphasize the agency of survivors in creating their own support systems.

The document identifies strategic electoral violence, the weaponization of the judiciary by ruling parties, and the chronic under-representation of women and low-income citizens as primary threats to democratic consolidation in Zambia. It highlights that while the country has maintained competitive elections since 1991, extensive presidential powers and subnational authoritarianism undermine local democracy. The brief recommends mobilizing election observers, safeguarding judicial independence through transparent processes, and utilizing credible voter information campaigns to improve accountability.

The document analyzes the evolution of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in the UN Security Council, noting a shift from consensus-based norm expansion to a period of 'backlash' and 'pushback' since 2019. It identifies specific threats to norms regarding sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and women's civil society participation, often driven by actors like Russia, China, and the US (under the Trump administration). Despite these challenges, the authors highlight the role of elected members (E10) in maintaining progress through 'shared commitments' and the integration of WPS language into day-to-day Council decisions. The paper argues that while the Council's overall legitimacy is declining due to stalemates over conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza, it remains a critical arena for defending women's rights against global authoritarian trends.

The report analyzes the role of Ukrainian grassroots initiatives, NGOs, and local self-governments (hromadas) in humanitarian response, arguing that while local actors are more agile and cost-efficient, they face systemic barriers in funding and decision-making. It identifies a critical lack of systematic evidence on the relative cost-effectiveness of locally-led versus internationally-led responses, though it notes that local NGOs in Ukraine deliver programs 15.5% more cost-efficiently due to lower overheads. The document recommends a shift toward equitable partnerships characterized by mutual financial transparency, shared leadership, and the provision of flexible, multi-year 'quality funding' to ensure the sustainability of local responders operating under high insecurity.

The author contends that UN Security Council Resolution 2803, which endorses a US-led plan for Gaza, is a 'recipe for further conflict' due to its lack of local legitimacy. The plan proposes a Board of Peace (BoP) for governance and an International Stabilization Force (ISF) for disarmament, but the author argues these will be viewed as instruments of occupation. Drawing on comparisons with successful disarmament in Colombia, Northern Ireland, and South Africa, the text asserts that security reform requires local ownership and a political resolution—specifically Palestinian statehood—rather than external imposition.

The paper analyzes how data collection methods shape the understanding of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). It compares 'top-down' approaches, like the Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict (SVAC) dataset, which rely on high-threshold fatality counts and a limited number of reputable sources, with 'bottom-up' approaches, such as the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data (ACLED) dataset, which track individual political violence events without fatality thresholds. The author argues that sourcing diversity, language considerations, and the choice between human-led and automated coding significantly impact the prevalence and accuracy of reported CRSV. The document concludes that all data contain biases—including errors of omission, inflation, and misrepresentation—and urges users to rigorously evaluate a dataset's assumptions to avoid inaccurate policy and programmatic conclusions.

The document details Physicians for Human Rights' (PHR) multipronged approach to documenting conflict-related sexual violence, focusing on the use of standardized forensic medical forms, multisectoral collaboration, and digital tools like MediCapt. It argues that integrating medical-legal evidence with survivor-centred care reduces retraumatization and strengthens the evidentiary base for prosecutions. The paper highlights successful applications of this model in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Kenya, and Ethiopia, emphasizing that capacity development for health and legal professionals is essential for translating clinical data into legal accountability.

The document argues that CPEC's first decade has failed to deliver broad-based development or stability in Pakistan, as state-led growth has not reduced conflict or poverty. It highlights how domestic political fragmentation, weak governance, and security threats—including attacks on Chinese personnel—have hindered progress. The brief notes a shift in Chinese strategy from government-to-government loans to business-to-business collaboration and warns that Pakistan's strategic balancing between China and the US complicates alignment. It concludes that the top-down, centralized approach has led to uneven benefits, particularly in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and recommends more inclusive, transparent, and community-based development strategies for the next phase.

The briefing examines the 'Middle East Paradoxon,' where Israel faces increased internal instability and lost soft power despite a lack of immediate military threats from its Arab neighbors. It analyzes the fallout from a September 9, 2025, Israeli strike in Doha, which triggered rare Arab unity and accelerated a strategic realignment away from the United States. The author discusses the 'Trump Peace Plan' for Gaza as a rupture that may bring hostages home but faces significant risks of derailment due to its vague nature and opposition from Israeli ultranationalists. Additionally, the text highlights a new nuclear shield agreement between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan and the potential for Syria to become a site of power struggle between Turkey and Israel following the toppling of Bashar al-Asad.

The report argues that conflict-related sexual violence is not inevitable and varies significantly across armed actors. It highlights a shift toward analyzing 'patterns of violence'—distinguishing between military strategy, organizational policy, and tolerated social practice—while advocating for a more intersectional approach that includes men, boys, and LGBTQIA+ survivors. The authors identify critical gaps in the study of structural root causes and perpetrator motivations, and they caution that traditional policy tools like international prosecutions and state-level sanctions have limited or even counterproductive effects on prevention.

The paper analyzes the evolution of the UN Security Council's approach to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), arguing that while the 'weapon of war' frame successfully moved the issue onto the security agenda, it created significant gaps in protection and accountability. This framing prioritizes strategic, systematic violence over opportunistic abuse and often ignores non-traditional survivors, such as men, boys, and LGBTQ+ individuals. The author notes that geopolitical interests continue to dictate which atrocities are condemned and which are tolerated, leading to inconsistent implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda.

The author critiques the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda for its failure to move beyond rhetorical commitments to substantive protection and inclusion. While acknowledging its role in elevating conflict-related sexual violence, the paper argues that the agenda's focus on penetrative rape has occluded other gender-based harms, such as obstetric and structural violence. It further highlights the marginalization of women in formal peace negotiations and the failure to account for colonial causality. The author proposes a shift toward 'everyday peace'—focusing on the long-term, grassroots conditions of survival and tolerance—to ensure a more inclusive and sustainable peace that addresses the needs of all women, particularly those from marginalized ethnic and racial backgrounds.

The document examines the evolution of National Youth Policies (NYPs) in Africa, noting a steep increase in adoption that peaked in 2020. While these policies frequently address education, employment, and health, they often neglect youth political participation and face significant implementation gaps. Adoption is driven more by political and institutional factors, such as democracy and administrative capacity, than by demographic needs.

The document examines the evolution of humanitarian communication, focusing on the tension between emotional storytelling and technical data. It analyzes the impact of generative AI on the authenticity of testimonies and images, the risks of 'infoglut' and fake news in conflict zones, and the intersectional vulnerabilities of women and LGBTQIA+ individuals facing climate change, specifically in Kenya.

The author critiques a suggestion by the Norwegian Minister of Research and Higher Education that peace research is a subset of defense research, arguing that peace research must remain a distinct field focused on peace as a public good. The text highlights a decline in the visibility and credibility of the peace movement in the 2020s and warns against the uncritically accepted militarization of public discourse in Norway. The author urges peace researchers to actively participate in public dialogue to define structural peace and steer governance, drawing inspiration from post-Soviet civil society activists who continue to advocate for peace despite high personal costs.

Nigeria possesses a significant 'youth bulge', with approximately 70% of its population under 30 and a median age of 18.1 years. While this presents an opportunity for a 'demographic dividend'—accelerated economic growth driven by a large working-age population—the document warns that failure to invest in human capital and economic reform could lead to a 'demographic disaster'. Key obstacles include high youth unemployment (estimated at 53.4% for ages 15–24 in 2020), a mono-economy dependent on crude oil, and an education system that fails to align curricula with market needs. The brief argues that unlocking this potential requires a multi-pronged approach focusing on human capital, economic opportunity, gender equality, and effective governance.

Nigeria ranks 162nd out of 181 countries on the 2025 WPS Index with a score of 0.495, which is below both the global average (0.650) and the Sub-Saharan Africa average (0.511). While the country has seen a turnaround in its ranking to 2017 levels, significant disparities persist between the North and South, particularly in education and exposure to conflict. The document highlights the role of National Action Plans (NAPs) and specific initiatives like the AGILE project and RESMAT, while noting that a lack of systematic monitoring and evaluation hinders the implementation of these frameworks.

The paper analyzes the civil war between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), arguing that the conflict has become a proxy war for Middle Eastern powers. It details how external military support from countries like the UAE, Egypt, and Iran sustains the fighting and how a proliferation of uncoordinated, ad hoc mediation initiatives—often led by these same regional actors—has marginalized civilian political actors and hindered a comprehensive peace agreement.