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Global Witness reports that Mondelez has shifted from supporting the EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) to actively lobbying for its weakening and delay. The company has engaged with US Ambassador to the EU Andrew Puzder, joined the American Chamber of Commerce to the EU, and targeted conservative MEPs and government officials in France, Germany, Ireland, and Luxembourg. This lobbying occurs despite Mondelez's lack of transparency regarding its deforestation-free cocoa supply and its links to forest destruction in West Africa.

The paper argues that the armed organization to which a person belongs is the most powerful predictor of whether they become a perpetrator of conflict-related sexual violence. Using datasets like SVAC and ACLED, it finds that while state forces have historically been more frequent perpetrators, there is a recent trend of increasing reports involving rebel groups. The author identifies key organizational risk factors, such as forced recruitment and child soldiering, which use sexual violence as a socialization tool for group cohesion. Conversely, restraint is linked to strong internal governance, such as electoral leader selection and ideological norms. The paper suggests that policy interventions should target organizational structures and use risk factors as early warning indicators rather than focusing solely on individual perpetrators.

Gabon is an upper-middle-income country in Central Africa characterized by significant natural resource wealth, particularly in oil and timber. Following a September 2023 coup that ended the Bongo family's long reign, the country is under a transition government led by Brice Oligui Nguema, aiming for elections on 12 April 2025. Despite its high GDP per capita driven by petroleum, Gabon faces persistent development challenges, including high youth unemployment, entrenched inequality, and a lack of economic diversification.

The Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) is a Regional Economic Community recognized by the African Union, consisting of 11 member states. Established in 1983 and revised in 2019, its mandate covers political, security, and economic cooperation. Despite its goals of regional integration, the organization faces challenges including low levels of coordination and a fragmented currency landscape. The region's member states exhibit significant economic disparity, ranging from low-income countries like Burundi and Chad to nominally upper-middle-income countries such as Gabon and Equatorial Guinea.

The report analyzes Cameroon's economic potential and challenges, arguing that while the country shows gradual progress, it remains hindered by dependence on extractive sectors and governance weaknesses. It recommends a coordinated approach to structural reforms focusing on manufacturing, agricultural transformation, and governance to reduce poverty and informality. Specifically, it emphasizes the need for climate-smart agriculture, the utilization of hydroelectric and solar capacity to become a regional energy hub, and the strategic use of the AfCFTA to boost trade and industrialization.

Kidnapping for ransom (KFR) in Chad has evolved from sporadic rural banditry into a structured, transnational criminal economy, particularly concentrated in the 'Triangle of Death' border region between Chad, Cameroon, and the Central African Republic. The report identifies a professionalized hierarchy of actors, including 'godfathers', perpetrators, and community enablers, who exploit state fragility, porous borders, and economic marginalization. While the state relies on fragmented military responses, the report argues that KFR is sustained by a complex interplay of conflict economies, including artisanal gold mining and insurgent activities by groups like ISWAP and Boko Haram. The consequences include mass displacement, eroded trust in state institutions, and generational trauma, necessitating a multi-sectoral strategy that combines security reform with community engagement and legal updates.

The report examines the African Union's (AU) efforts to create a coherent foreign policy framework to navigate a fragmented international order, while highlighting the need for deeper economic integration similar to the EU. It details the evolving threat of Boko Haram and ISWAP in the Lake Chad Basin and the emerging extremist hub in the Borgu-Kainji axis. Additionally, it argues for a youth-focused approach to combat transnational organized crime, citing the rise of cybercrime and drug trafficking in West Africa. Finally, it outlines Burundi's priorities as AU chair, emphasizing water security, youth empowerment, and the urgent need for internal financial autonomy to ensure political sovereignty.

The report outlines a comprehensive approach to building climate-resilient education systems by integrating them into the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) process. It emphasizes three core components: resilient infrastructure, school safety and educational continuity, and climate-responsive teaching and learning. The document provides a step-by-step guide for NAP teams, covering enabling factors, impact, vulnerability, and risk assessments (IVRA), adaptation planning, implementation, and monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) systems, while advocating for a child-centered and inclusive lens to protect the rights of the most vulnerable students.

The report highlights a significant gap between the skills of African graduates and the requirements of the modern job market, particularly in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). It notes that sub-Saharan Africa has low enrollment in vocational programmes compared to global averages, though some countries like Angola perform better. The text argues for a balance between academic and vocational training to support agribusiness and manufacturing, while warning that poor foundational education in sub-Saharan Africa creates a lack of 'readily trainable workers' for the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

The authors argue that voluntary initiatives to reduce fossil fuel subsidies have failed, as evidenced by 2023 subsidies reaching $794 billion. They propose a binding WTO agreement based on the Agreement on Climate Change, Trade and Sustainability (ACCTS) model, which uses the Standardized Carbon Rate Measurement (SCRM) to ensure carbon prices remain above committed levels. The paper suggests that successful subsidy removal depends on a state's ability to transition to green energy and recommends a WTO waiver on local content requirements to support this transition.

The statement urges WTO ministers at MC14 in Yaoundé, Cameroon, to prioritize sustainable development within the WTO reform agenda and consolidate momentum on environmental initiatives. It highlights the need for a course-correction in WTO reform to address climate change, nature loss, and pollution, while calling for the full implementation of the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies and the advancement of dialogues on sustainable agriculture and plastic pollution.

The report examines how Africa is trapped in a cycle of debt and fossil fuel dependency, which disproportionately harms women and girls. It argues that the global financial architecture forces African nations into austerity and resource extraction, leading to 'petro-masculinity' and systemic gender-based violence. The authors advocate for a 'feminist decolonial green economy' and a Fossil Fuel Treaty to enable a just transition through debt cancellation and redistributive finance.

The policy brief examines the critical juncture facing the World Trade Organization (WTO) ahead of the 14th Ministerial Conference (MC14) in Yaoundé, Cameroon. While the 2022 Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies (Fish 1) established a historic first step by prohibiting subsidies for illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, it does not address the structural causes of overcapacity. The author argues that the upcoming MC14 must restore momentum for 'Fish 2'—additional disciplines targeting broader overfishing—to avoid the risk of the entire 2022 agreement terminating under its sunset clause by September 2029.

The document analyzes the tension between the multilateral Work Programme on Electronic Commerce (WPEC) and the plurilateral Joint Statement Initiative (JSI) on E-Commerce. It highlights the conflict over the moratorium on customs duties for electronic transmissions, where developing countries fear revenue loss and policy constraints, while other members push for a permanent ban on such duties. The author outlines the stakes for MC14, including the potential incorporation of the JSI Agreement into the WTO framework and the future of the WPEC.

The report examines how the green transition is reshaping trade, investment, and geopolitics for Africa. It analyzes the impact of the EU and UK Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanisms (CBAM), the decarbonisation of maritime and aviation sectors, and the potential for Africa to move from raw mineral extraction to EV battery production. It warns that without strategic policy intervention, clean energy exports and critical mineral demand may reproduce extractive economic patterns, while advocating for a unified continental approach to negotiate fairer terms in international climate-trade frameworks.

The document outlines the drivers and challenges of traceability in global commodity supply chains, advocating for 'material-forward tracking' over 'product-backward tracing'. It details the technical elements of effective traceability, including event-based tracking, data standards (such as GS1 EPCIS), and the distinction between serialized and lot-based methods. The guide also evaluates supporting tools like geospatial analysis, certification systems, and scientific testing to combat fraud. Finally, it provides a 12-step implementation road map for downstream companies to build traceability capabilities, from securing leadership support to fostering industry-wide collaboration.

The report details the disproportionate risks faced by women environmental and human rights defenders (WEHRDs) in Africa, including gender-based violence, criminalization, and digital surveillance. It highlights a significant gap between the actual violence experienced and official data, which often underreports attacks against women. Through country spotlights on Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, South Africa, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Nigeria, the document illustrates how patriarchal norms and corporate-state collusion exacerbate the vulnerability of WEHRDs. It concludes with recommendations for African states and international donors to implement gender-responsive protection frameworks, end the criminalization of activism, and provide flexible, long-term funding for women-led grassroots initiatives.

The report examines the state of play for e-commerce at the WTO, focusing on the multilateral Work Programme on Electronic Commerce (WPEC) and the plurilateral Joint Statement Initiative (JSI). It details the ongoing conflict over the moratorium on customs duties for electronic transmissions, the substance of the proposed Agreement on Electronic Commerce (ECA), and the challenges regarding its legal incorporation into the WTO framework, particularly concerning the needs of developing countries and LDCs.

The report evaluates the effectiveness of VSSs and corporate strategies in mitigating deforestation, particularly for commodities like soy, palm oil, cocoa, and timber. It finds that while preventive measures (Plan/Prepare) are strong and improving through geospatial technology, immediate response and recovery mechanisms are often generic or limited. The report advocates for a 'smart mix' of solutions, combining certification with landscape-level initiatives and financial incentives to build long-term resilience and sustainable value chains.

The report argues that the African Union Commission's reform, which reduced commissioners from eight to six, has led to institutional imbalances where crisis response overshadows conflict prevention. It highlights a significant funding gap for the new structure, costing an additional US$53 million. The document also analyzes the rise of military coups, attributing them to 'democratic subversions' such as the removal of term limits, and discusses the strain on Africa's humanitarian system due to conflict and climate shocks.