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The paper argues that fragmentation of trade-related climate measures (TrCMs) creates significant regulatory burdens, particularly for small and medium-sized enterprises in smaller economies. It distinguishes 'interoperability'—the ability to pass useful information between systems—from 'harmonization,' suggesting that focusing on the former allows governments to reduce trade barriers while preserving policy space. The author proposes several strategies to achieve this, including alignment with international standards like ISO 14067 and IPCC guidelines, adopting flexible information systems, focusing on high-impact sectoral products (e.g., steel, aluminium, and concrete), and utilizing a structured 'top-down' approach to collaboration based on a hierarchy of regulatory objectives and principles.

The author contends that current unilateral green industrial strategies and carbon border adjustments create an inequitable trade environment that disadvantages developing countries. To resolve this, the paper proposes 'transition compacts': plurilateral, sector-specific agreements that link market access to verified emissions performance while making equity provisions, such as technology transfer and investment, legally binding rather than aspirational. Using examples like the failed Global Arrangement on Sustainable Steel and Aluminium (GASSA) and the Agreement on Climate Change, Trade and Sustainability (ACCTS), the text suggests that these compacts should be designed to be resilient to the withdrawal of major powers and focused on cooperative management of the energy transition.

The document examines the intersection of trade, climate change, and industrial policy in Africa, warning that the emerging green economy risks confining the continent to a role as a raw material supplier. It highlights a 'credibility gap' where advanced economies use industrial subsidies and carbon regulations while developing nations are historically discouraged from doing so. The author advocates for a development-centered reform of the multilateral trading system, the utilization of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) for regional value chains, and the application of the principle of 'common but differentiated responsibilities' to ensure climate governance supports African industrial sovereignty and economic diversification.

The paper examines the UK's Enhanced Trade Partnerships (ETPs), which are non-binding memoranda of understanding that sit between informal commercial meetings (JETCOs) and binding Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). While ETPs frequently reference sustainability and can facilitate 'green' trade and regulatory diplomacy, the author argues they primarily serve offensive trade interests and lack the civil society oversight necessary to prevent 'greenwashing'.

The document proposes a shift toward 'imperfect agreements' to overcome deadlock in the WTO, suggesting that flexible, iterative, and often plurilateral arrangements can serve as stepping stones to formal law. It highlights various mechanisms, such as targeted trade deals, the use of GATS schedules for additional commitments, and interim agreements like the E-Commerce Agreement, as ways to maintain institutional relevance and implement sustainable development goals. The author contends that these dynamic approaches allow members to coordinate on urgent issues, such as digital trade and essential supplies, without waiting for full multilateral consensus.

The authors argue that the Paris Climate Agreement's 'name and shame' approach fails because it ignores the science of cooperative agreements on common resources. They propose a climate club where members commit to net-zero CO2 emissions by 2050, using a combination of high import tariffs and export taxes on non-members, a uniform tariff surcharge (up to 10%) on non-member imports, and penalties for members who miss intermediate goals. To ensure WTO compatibility, the proposal relies on GATT Articles XX(b) and XX(g), allowing any regulatory approach that achieves emissions reductions. The plan includes a Multilateral Fund for developing countries and suggests similar structures for methane and nitrous oxide, drawing inspiration from the Montreal Protocol.

The document identifies a critical mismatch between World Trade Organization (WTO) rules and climate objectives, noting that existing trade frameworks do not recognize emissions as an organizing criterion and that intellectual property laws under the TRIPS Agreement hinder the diffusion of green technologies. It highlights a governance gap where climate-trade issues fall between the market-access focus of the WTO and the emissions-reduction focus of the UNFCCC, often leading to unilateral measures like the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). Additionally, the report notes a knowledge gap regarding the distributional impacts of trade-climate measures on least developed and commodity-dependent countries, particularly in Africa where emissions measurements in land use and agriculture are uncertain. To ensure a just transition, the authors advocate for a multilateral approach that prioritizes development, structural transformation, and the treatment of climate technologies as global public goods.

The authors argue that voluntary initiatives to reduce fossil fuel subsidies have failed, as evidenced by 2023 subsidies reaching $794 billion. They propose a binding WTO agreement based on the Agreement on Climate Change, Trade and Sustainability (ACCTS) model, which uses the Standardized Carbon Rate Measurement (SCRM) to ensure carbon prices remain above committed levels. The paper suggests that successful subsidy removal depends on a state's ability to transition to green energy and recommends a WTO waiver on local content requirements to support this transition.

The statement urges WTO ministers at MC14 in Yaoundé, Cameroon, to prioritize sustainable development within the WTO reform agenda and consolidate momentum on environmental initiatives. It highlights the need for a course-correction in WTO reform to address climate change, nature loss, and pollution, while calling for the full implementation of the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies and the advancement of dialogues on sustainable agriculture and plastic pollution.

A coalition of business, civil society, and research stakeholders calls on WTO ministers at MC14 to ensure that multilateral trade reform prioritizes sustainable development, the climate crisis, and the needs of developing countries, particularly least developed countries (LDCs).

The document analyzes the tension between existing WTO trade rules and the needs of countries to secure critical minerals for the energy transition. It argues that current 'critical minerals diplomacy'—characterized by non-binding sectoral partnerships among developed nations—creates power asymmetries and 'selective delegalization' that disadvantage producer economies. The author suggests that the WTO could serve as a more neutral platform for a plurilateral critical minerals initiative or a code of best practices to balance supply-side industrialization goals with demand-side security needs.

The document examines the efforts of 'the rest of the world' to adapt to a chaotic trade environment characterized by US tariff adjustments and the weakening of global institutions. It highlights the launch of the Future of Investment and Trade Partnership (FIT-P), a 16-member group of small states aiming to bolster the WTO and collaborate on digital trade. It also analyzes the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), noting its attempts to coordinate with the EU and ASEAN while struggling with internal institutional weaknesses, a slow accession process, and the daunting task of renegotiating most of its agreement chapters.

The policy brief argues that for the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), a Just Transition must be a multi-sectoral regional transformation strategy rather than a narrow focus on fossil fuel phase-out. It introduces a framework based on six guiding principles—social justice, effective governance, inclusive participation, economic resilience, alignment with climate goals, and green financing—to mitigate risks in sectors like energy, tourism, and transport, while leveraging growth opportunities in the blue and orange economies. The author recommends institutionalizing social dialogue, strengthening regional policy coherence, and mobilizing scaled concessional finance to ensure the transition is equitable and supports long-term economic diversification.

The document serves as a collection of expert perspectives on the intersection of trade, climate, and sustainable development. It specifically investigates where trade cooperation is most needed to meet Paris climate goals and identifies opportunities for concrete outcomes within the WTO and other international fora. The compilation covers a wide range of thematic areas, including clean energy value chains, green industrial policies, the decarbonization of maritime transport, and the role of trade in supporting climate adaptation and justice, with a particular focus on the needs of developing regions such as Africa and the Caribbean.

The statement asserts that the global economy is highly exposed to nature and climate risks, with potential GDP losses of $2.7 trillion annually by 2030. It identifies key opportunities for transformation, including the alignment of trade policy with the Paris Agreement and the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, the reform of the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the elimination of environmentally harmful subsidies. The author calls for a shift from short-term crisis management to strategic, long-term sectoral pathways consistent with net-zero and nature-positive goals, suggesting the use of plurilateral agreements and initiatives like the Integrated Forum on Climate Change and Trade.

The document argues that there are no credible pathways to tackle the climate crisis without trade policies aligned with the Paris Agreement. It identifies key areas for cooperation, including the management of climate-trade tensions (such as the EU's CBAM), the acceleration of clean energy transitions, and the decarbonization of industrial sectors like shipping and steel. A central theme is the need for 'climate justice,' ensuring that developing nations are not marginalized by green industrial policies or unilateral trade measures. The report proposes several mechanisms for progress, including the Integrated Forum on Climate Change and Trade (IFCCT) proposed for COP30, the 'greening' of Aid for Trade (AfT), and the development of regional green trade blocs like a potential arrangement within the RCEP. It emphasizes that a just transition requires bridging the gap between the WTO and UNFCCC, harmonizing carbon accounting standards, and increasing climate finance for adaptation in the Global South.

The document highlights Africa's strategic position as the holder of over 30% of the world's critical mineral reserves, essential for the global transition to renewable energy. It warns that without regional coordination, African nations risk remaining locked into raw materials extraction while major economies like the US, EU, and China compete for access. The authors advocate for the implementation of the Africa Green Minerals Strategy (AGMS) through a coordinated diplomatic framework and a continental task force to enhance negotiation power and promote regional value chains.

The document introduces the Integrated Forum on Climate Change and Trade, an institutionally independent 'laboratory' designed to foster dialogue between climate and trade experts. It aims to move beyond the diagnosis of problems to the design of technical solutions in areas such as climate criteria, carbon accounting, and the acceleration of renewable energy deployment, without producing binding legal texts.

The document argues that the proliferation of trade-related climate measures has led to fragmentation and a lack of coherence, which may undermine development and effectiveness. It proposes four primary rationales for cooperation—coherence, transparency, development considerations, and interoperability—and suggests four levels of engagement ranging from general legal principles to specific technical aspects. The briefing aims to highlight gaps where WTO-led cooperation could provide added value by leveraging existing international processes and public-private partnerships.

The document examines the proliferation of trade-climate measures and the resulting risks of trade barriers and disadvantages for developing countries. It proposes a multi-level approach to cooperation at the WTO, ranging from high-level legal principles and good regulatory practices to specific design features and technical interoperability of carbon accounting.