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Sudan possesses significant potential due to its strategic location, diverse mineral deposits, and arable land, yet it remains one of the world's poorest countries. Decades of authoritarian rule and internal conflict, culminating in the civil war since April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, have led to the collapse of state institutions and a catastrophic humanitarian crisis. Despite its history as a petro-state prior to South Sudan's 2011 secession, the economy suffers from a lack of diversification and chronic trade deficits.

The paper argues that the armed organization to which a person belongs is the most powerful predictor of whether they become a perpetrator of conflict-related sexual violence. Using datasets like SVAC and ACLED, it finds that while state forces have historically been more frequent perpetrators, there is a recent trend of increasing reports involving rebel groups. The author identifies key organizational risk factors, such as forced recruitment and child soldiering, which use sexual violence as a socialization tool for group cohesion. Conversely, restraint is linked to strong internal governance, such as electoral leader selection and ideological norms. The paper suggests that policy interventions should target organizational structures and use risk factors as early warning indicators rather than focusing solely on individual perpetrators.

Djibouti is a lower-middle-income country at the Horn of Africa's maritime choke point, leveraging its strategic location to aim for a regional hub status under 'Vision Djibouti 2035'. The country faces extreme climate and water stress, with nearly 90% of its land classified as desert. Its governance is structured as a sovereign democratic republic with a decentralised architecture comprising five regional collectivities and the special status of Djibouti City. Historically, the 1994 Peace and National Reconciliation Accord served as a turning point for stability, which is now viewed as a prerequisite for economic transformation and investment.

The report analyzes Equatorial Guinea's development prospects to 2043, highlighting a stark divide between its upper middle-income status driven by oil and pervasive extreme poverty. It evaluates how targeted improvements in manufacturing, trade, and infrastructure could significantly boost GDP per capita and reduce poverty, while noting that the country will transition to being a net carbon contributor by 2027.

The report projects that Eritrea's economy will grow from US$2.4 billion in 2019 to US$10.1 billion by 2043 under a Current Path scenario, with extreme poverty falling to 13%. It evaluates 11 sectoral interventions—including stability, agriculture, and leapfrogging—finding that trade liberalization and digital/energy infrastructure have the highest potential to increase GDP per capita. A combined Agenda 2063 scenario suggests GDP could reach US$20.4 billion by 2043, though this would increase carbon emissions to 1.5 million tons.

The Combined Agenda 2063 scenario for Eritrea projects significant GDP growth, poverty reduction, and a shift toward a service-dominated economy by 2043, though it also forecasts a substantial increase in carbon emissions.

The document describes Mozambique as a low-income country with significant mineral and marine resources but persistent structural challenges. While the country saw rapid growth between 1993 and 2015 and improvements in health and electricity access, it has struggled with a narrow productive base and high poverty levels. Recent growth has slowed due to the 'hidden debt' scandal, insurgency, and climate shocks. The report highlights the risk that gas megaprojects may not lead to inclusive development without strategic governance and economic diversification.

The document describes Ethiopia as a landlocked, low-income country in the Horn of Africa characterized by diverse topography and a complex ethnic federal system. It details the country's climatic patterns, including three annual rainfall seasons and projected temperature increases by 2030. The text also outlines Ethiopia's historical role in Pan-Africanism and its current political instability, marked by conflicts with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and the Oromo Liberation Army.

The Demographics and Health Scenario explores the impact of targeted interventions in family planning, disease mortality reduction, water and sanitation (WaSH), and child nutrition across Africa. By 2050, the scenario aims to increase modern contraceptive use to 75% in sub-Saharan Africa and 85% in North Africa, while reducing mortality for the top five disease types in each country by 20 percentage points. It also projects an increase in sub-Saharan African average access to safely managed water and sanitation from 29% in 2025 to 61% by 2050. These health improvements are supported by a projected 5% increase in health spending, totaling an additional US$18.9 billion continentwide.

The Combined Agenda 2063 scenario, integrating 11 sectoral reforms, is projected to significantly increase COMESA's GDP per capita to US$10,235 by 2043 and nearly eradicate extreme poverty. While driving substantial economic growth, particularly in Malawi and Ethiopia, the scenario is also expected to increase carbon emissions to 380 million metric tons by 2043.

The report details specific multipliers and targets for Burundi across several development scenarios. Key interventions include improving government effectiveness, reducing child and maternal mortality, increasing vocational training, boosting agricultural yields, and expanding renewable energy and ICT infrastructure. The document compares these projected outcomes against averages for low-income African countries and historical benchmarks from other African nations.

The report highlights a significant gap between the skills of African graduates and the requirements of the modern job market, particularly in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). It notes that sub-Saharan Africa has low enrollment in vocational programmes compared to global averages, though some countries like Angola perform better. The text argues for a balance between academic and vocational training to support agribusiness and manufacturing, while warning that poor foundational education in sub-Saharan Africa creates a lack of 'readily trainable workers' for the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

The AfCFTA faces significant implementation hurdles due to the extreme economic disparity between member states, which may lead to 'winners and losers' where advanced economies benefit while least developed countries (LDCs) face initial welfare losses. Key challenges include the loss of critical tariff revenues for some governments, weak institutional capacities in LDCs, and limited commitment to the free movement of labour. To mitigate these risks, the agreement employs special and differential treatment, granting LDCs and a specific 'Group of 6' (G6) longer phase-out periods for tariff liberalisation, though the authors argue that additional support from the AU Secretariat and private finance is necessary to bridge the development gap.

The report details a strategic scenario for Africa to improve health and demographic outcomes by 2050. Key interventions include increasing modern contraceptive use to 75% in sub-Saharan Africa and 85% in North Africa, reducing mortality for the top five disease types by 20 percentage points, and expanding safely managed water and sanitation access. The scenario also targets a 20% reduction in under-five stunting in 39 countries. These improvements require an additional US$18.9 billion in health spending continentwide, with infrastructure spending peaking at US$4.7 billion per annum in 2037. The model is based on empirical benchmarks from countries like Ethiopia, Malawi, Ghana, and Kenya, and mirrors historical progress in South America and South Asia.

The AfCFTA agreement, effective since January 2021, is being implemented in three phases covering trade in goods, services, investment, and digital trade. While 47 of 55 countries had ratified the agreement by January 2024, progress varies across specific instruments, such as the Pan African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) and the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons.

The study finds that while Ethiopia, Senegal, and South Africa generally maintain cautious, non-aligned international postures, their regional approaches vary significantly. Ethiopia has adopted a highly assertive posture regarding sea access and geostrategic relevance; Senegal demonstrated assertive interventionism during the 2017 Gambian crisis to protect internal security; and South Africa maintains a 'reluctant hegemon' image, experiencing setbacks in the Democratic Republic of Congo due to military and agency constraints.

The research argues that Ethiopia, Senegal, and South Africa generally adopt a 'cautious' posture internationally—characterized by non-alignment and partnership diversification—while tending toward more 'assertive' approaches regionally. However, South Africa serves as a partial exception, exhibiting assertiveness internationally (notably regarding Gaza) and a more cautious or less effective approach regionally (such as in the DRC). The paper uses these cases to argue for a plural conception of 'African agencies' driven by national interest and the goal of strategic autonomy.

The report highlights severe education deficits in the Horn of Africa, where conflict, gender inequality, and poor infrastructure hinder progress. It projects that by 2040, average years of education for adults will remain significantly lower than both the African and global averages, with primary school enrolment acting as a critical bottleneck for most countries except Ethiopia.

The report analyzes climate adaptation projects in Afghanistan, the DRC, Haiti, the Horn of Africa, Mexico, Myanmar, and Papua New Guinea. It finds that while insecurity often leads to risk-averse site selection and implementation delays, projects that integrate conflict-climate nexus analysis and prioritize bottom-up, community-led approaches can mitigate conflict and foster peace. The authors recommend flexible implementation, holistic monitoring and evaluation, and the explicit inclusion of conflict mitigation in project objectives to avoid maladaptation and 'backdraft'.

The report examines climate adaptation in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, the Horn of Africa, Mexico, Myanmar, and Papua New Guinea. It finds that while instability often leads to risk-averse site selection and implementation delays, projects that integrate conflict-sensitivity and community-led approaches can mitigate these challenges and potentially contribute to peacebuilding. The analysis highlights the necessity of flexible implementation, the use of fragility assessments, and the importance of addressing root causes of vulnerability to avoid maladaptation and 'backdraft'—unforeseen negative spillover effects.