Search Climate Insights Directory

The paper describes a participatory approach using stakeholder mapping and 'barrier cards' to bridge the gap between national climate policies and local implementation in Mauritius. Findings reveal a strong predominance of national government in adaptation planning, with local actors often excluded from information and action flows. In the agriculture sector, the primary barrier is a lack of climate vulnerability data, while the fisheries sector faces institutional barriers related to a lack of accountability. The authors argue that prioritizing 'surmountable' barriers—those addressable with existing national capacities—is the most effective way to build climate resilience.

The document details a participatory approach using stakeholder mapping and 'barrier cards' to identify obstacles to climate adaptation in St Lucia. Findings reveal a top-down governance structure where national ministries hold primary influence and funding, while local actors remain largely excluded from planning and implementation. Key barriers identified include poor national land use planning and conflicting stakeholder values, both driven by a lack of long-term political vision. The paper argues for the development of a comprehensive national land use management plan and the mainstreaming of climate considerations into local policies to build resilience.

The ADAPTool Guidebook describes a structured process for evaluating whether public policies are 'adaptive'—meaning they can respond effectively to both anticipated and unanticipated shocks. The tool assesses policies against seven core characteristics: integrated and forward-looking analysis, multistakeholder deliberation, automatic policy adjustment, self-organization and social networking, decentralization of decision-making, promoting variation, and formal policy review and continuous learning. The process involves a scoping phase to define geographic scope and stressors, data collection via interviews or research, and a synthesis phase that ranks policies based on 'planned adaptability' (response to known stressors) and 'autonomous adaptability' (response to unforeseen changes).

The document warns that Togo faces a potential election crisis if the 2006 Global Political Agreement (GPA) reforms are not consensually implemented. Despite dialogue led by Archbishop Nicodème Barrigah and US Ambassador Robert Whitehead, fundamental disputes remain over the composition of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), electoral boundaries, the voting system, and presidential term limits. The July 2013 parliamentary elections exacerbated tensions, as the ruling Union for the Republic (UNIR) won an absolute majority of 62 out of 91 seats despite receiving fewer total votes (880,000) than the combined opposition (900,000). The author argues that without urgent intervention from national actors and international facilitators like Burkina Faso's President Blaise Compaoré, the opposition may resort to street protests.

The policy brief examines the shift in China's engagement with South Sudan from a primary focus on oil to a broader governance and developmental partnership. It highlights the 'so-called 8 billion dollar affair' as a point of mutual discontent caused by mismatched expectations and administrative capacities. The author notes that China is deepening its political ties through party-to-party relations between the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), as well as establishing new institutional mechanisms like a 'China desk' to facilitate infrastructure loans. The document concludes that China's increasing involvement in the governance of 'fragile states' like South Sudan is a significant trend for African governments to monitor.

The document evaluates South Africa's interventions in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) across sectors such as security sector reform, governance, and economic development. It finds that while South Africa possesses significant moral authority and technical expertise, its efforts have often been uncoordinated, short-term, and hampered by inadequate funding and strategic planning. The brief recommends the creation of a coherent national post-conflict strategy and the development of a specialized pool of peacebuilding experts to move beyond demand-driven, dispersed engagements.

The document presents a transparency template based on the International Bar Association Mining Law Committee's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0). It includes a template of sections, an explanatory narrative, and a search for model oil and gas agreements. The report highlights that the effectiveness of mining agreements is often hindered by an imbalance of resources and capacity between negotiating parties, particularly in developing countries that struggle to field multidisciplinary teams of specialists.

Following the successful 2013 presidential election of Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, Mali faces critical challenges including the resolution of security crises in the north, the implementation of the Preliminary Ouagadougou Agreement, and the reform of defence and security sectors. While the election saw high participation and legitimacy, the new administration must now navigate inclusive dialogues with armed groups, organize parliamentary elections amidst political division, and implement a €3.25 billion sustainable recovery plan to revive an economy damaged by institutional and security crises.

The document argues that while climate change is unlikely to be the sole direct cause of conflict, it acts as a 'threat multiplier' that intersects with poor political governance and socio-economic vulnerabilities to increase the risk of violence. In the Zambezi basin, this manifests as competition over dwindling water and food supplies, migration-induced tensions, and the manipulation of resource scarcity by political elites. Case studies of Bulawayo and Chinde highlight how chronic water shortages, flooding, and political marginalisation create flashpoints for unrest. The author emphasizes that strengthening Local Adaptive Capacity (LAC) and community resilience through grassroots organisations and traditional governance can mitigate these risks.

The paper argues that South Africa's National Development Plan (NDP) 2030 target of 5.4% average annual GDP growth is 'very ambitious' and unlikely to be met under current trends. Using the International Futures (IFs) model, the authors find a 'Base Case' average growth of 3.4% for 2014-2030, significantly lower than the NDP target and regional peers. While the 'Highway' scenario shows that combining aggressive interventions—such as reducing corruption, curbing HIV/AIDS, and increasing foreign direct investment—could push growth above 5%, such a path requires systemic structural change. Conversely, the analysis suggests that targets for education and infrastructure are 'eminently achievable' even with lower economic growth, indicating a potential lack of integration in the NDP's sectoral planning.

A coalition of civil society organizations (CSOs) argues that the current timeline for selecting permanent active observers for the Green Climate Fund (GCF) is insufficient to ensure inclusivity and transparency. The groups cite a lack of disseminated requirements, incomplete accreditation, and uncertain financial support for Southern participants as primary barriers. They propose selecting temporary observers for the June 2013 board meeting in South Korea while calling for a formal, independent selection process—similar to that used by the Climate Investment Funds—to be established for permanent representatives.

The policy briefing addresses the declining momentum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and its National Programmes of Action (NPOA). It identifies causes for this decline, such as lack of interest from heads of state and insufficient financial support, and proposes reviving the process by integrating NPOA into National Developmental Plans (NDPs) and collaborating with African Union organs and regional economic communities.

Carbon Market Watch argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) is facing a market collapse due to low demand and an over-supply of non-additional carbon credits. The organization urges a fundamental reform of additionality requirements, the shortening of crediting periods, and the establishment of human rights standards and grievance mechanisms. It further recommends strengthening civil society participation, addressing conflicts of interest among Designated Operational Entities (DOEs), and improving the governance and codes of conduct of the CDM Executive Board.

The document outlines the process for establishing formal arrangements between the Conference of the Parties (COP) and the Green Climate Fund (GCF). Following a mandate from COP 17 and subsequent actions at COP 18, the GCF Board is asked to review and forward these arrangements to the UNFCCC to ensure the Fund remains accountable to the COP in supporting projects and policies in developing countries.

The policy note examines the role of National Programmes of Action (NPOAs) as the primary output of the African Peer Review Mechanism's (APRM) country self-assessment process. It argues that while NPOAs are critical for transparency, accountability, and participatory development, they have been neglected due to a loss of interest in the APRM process and the declining role of National Governing Councils. The author proposes reviving NPOAs by identifying champions, creating channels of influence, finding synergies with African Union structures like NEPAD, and integrating NPOAs with national budgets and development plans.

The report identifies a 'syndrome of fragility' in Africa driven by the interaction of poor governance, conflict, inequality, and poverty. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, it forecasts that while 16 of the 26 identified 'more fragile' states could transition toward resilience by 2050, ten countries—including the DRC, Somalia, and South Sudan—are at risk of remaining in a fragility trap. The analysis warns that climate change and democratic deficits could exacerbate these risks, and recommends long-term national development plans, extractive sector reform, and direct cash transfers to the poor to pivot toward a more optimistic future.

The document analyzes the Unique Identification Number (UID) project in India, the world's largest biometric ID programme, focusing on its goals of improving service delivery to the poor and reducing welfare fraud. It identifies critical challenges including jurisdictional conflicts between the UIDAI and the Home Ministry, the lack of independent grievance mechanisms, and significant risks to privacy and data protection. The authors warn that the convergence of data across agencies could enable profiling and surveillance, and they recommend establishing stronger legal safeguards and an independent review body.

The Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) implemented the web-based Planning, Monitoring, Evaluation and Communication (PMEC) system in 2010 to systematically track project outcomes. Based on the International Development Research Centre’s Outcome Mapping methodology, PMEC shifts focus from activities to the influence on 'boundary partners'—specific people and organizations the project aims to affect. The system integrates project planning, budget management, and communications, requiring all SEI projects to use it for monitoring progress via 'progress markers' and 'journals'. For projects with budgets exceeding 200,000 SEK, an outcome evaluation of specific indicators is mandatory. PMEC also feeds into SEI's organizational learning by tracking contributions to six key performance areas and four institutional themes, ultimately informing reports for funders like the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and the SEI Board.

The paper explores the synergies between community based natural resource management (CBNRM) and community based adaptation (CBA), arguing that poverty reduction, governance, and ecosystems are the primary overlapping drivers for both approaches. It highlights that while local incentives drive initial CBNRM action, the scaling of these efforts to national and regional levels depends on an enabling environment consisting of policies, institutions, capacity, and collaboration.

The African Union (AU) has shifted the continental focus from decolonisation to development and economic integration. While it has established institutional infrastructure, implemented peacekeeping missions, and promoted democratic norms—such as refusing to recognise coup-led governments—it faces a structural impasse in achieving developmental goals. The author argues that the AU must move beyond ambitious declarations toward pragmatic outcomes, specifically by translating governance into developmental deliverables, strengthening regional economic communities like ECOWAS, and clarifying leadership principles for the AU Commission.