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The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) developed an evolved methodology to track 'attacks on science'—defined as political interference in federal science—starting in January 2025. The system combines automated R scripts for RSS feed collection and keyword filtering with human content analysis to categorize attacks by type, topic, and stage of completion. The methodology aims to systematically capture a comprehensive breadth of attacks in perpetuity, including those that are only threatened, to document their chilling effects on the federal scientific enterprise.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) conducted a qualitative thematic analysis of 92 public comments submitted to the US EPA regarding its November 2024 Cumulative Impacts Framework. This process involved five coders who identified five primary themes and subthemes, utilizing NVivo software and Gwet’s AC1 scores to ensure inter-rater reliability. To validate these findings, UCS held four virtual 'ground-truthing' convenings between February and May 2026 with 18 experts and community members. The analysis was prompted by the second Trump administration's actions since January 2025, which the report states have undermined the EPA's ability to use the Framework and ignored public comments.

The report finds that a majority of Americans believe global warming is happening and is mostly human-caused, with 66% expressing worry about the issue. While there is high interest in news stories about climate impacts and government action, the frequency of hearing about global warming in the media and social circles has trended downward since 2021-2022. Many Americans perceive personal or local risks from extreme weather and health impacts, and 13% have considered relocating to avoid these effects.

The provided text consists of appendices to a report by the Center for Climate Integrity. Appendix A lists trade associations, research institutes, and PR firms—such as the American Gas Association (AGA), the Gas Research Institute (GRI), and J. Walter Thompson—that collaborated to promote natural gas. Appendix B outlines a timeline from 1968 to 1996, detailing how the industry was alerted to methane's climate impact as early as 1968, launched a "clean energy" marketing campaign in 1972, and later promoted gas as a "bridge fuel" in 1990 despite internal uncertainties regarding methane leakage rates. It specifically highlights a 1996 GRI/EPA study that reported a 1.4 percent methane emission rate, which the document claims was heavily influenced by the industry and lacked independent technical review by the EPA.

The report examines the Trump administration's efforts to dismantle environmental justice initiatives, arguing that the legal justifications for these rollbacks are weak. It specifically addresses the impact of Supreme Court rulings on affirmative action, asserting that while such decisions impose constraints, they do not make environmental justice initiatives categorically unlawful nor prevent the government from considering the historical legacies of racism.

The report finds that while the 2022 consultation law has enabled some marginal influence, it often fails to provide meaningful impact on central issues. Major deficiencies include late involvement of Sámi representatives, inadequate timeframes, and a tendency for authorities to delegate responsibility to third-party applicants. The study highlights a significant 'educational burden' placed on Sámi parties to explain the law to officials and notes that many critical land-use matters remain exempt from the law's scope.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) advocates for the Scientific Integrity Act to codify protections for federal science, citing a significant increase in 'attacks on science' and the undermining of previous integrity policies by the second Trump administration.

The report examines ADPF 743, a legal action initially focused on combating deforestation and fires in the Amazon and Pantanal, which evolved into a 'structural process' for land governance. The STF's execution phase has forced the integration of fragmented environmental, land, and registry databases (such as CAR, SIGEF, and SNCR) and established inter-ministerial coordination committees. The document highlights that the court's intervention has linked land regularization to environmental compliance, preventing the legalization of illegally deforested areas, while noting that the long-term sustainability of these gains depends on their transition from judicial supervision to permanent administrative routines.

The report identifies 815 cases of climate disinformation across 44 audiovisual channels in four countries, finding that private media are significantly more prone to spreading such content than public media. It highlights a negative correlation between the volume of climate coverage and the prevalence of disinformation, suggesting that consistent reporting reduces the risk of misinformation. The analysis reveals distinct national narratives: France focuses heavily on renewable energy costs and inefficiency; Poland links climate policy to anti-EU sentiment and industrial decline; Brazil emphasizes agribusiness virtues and climate denial; and Spain shows a unique susceptibility to 'chemtrails' conspiracy theories. The document recommends journalist training on obstructionist discourses, more rigorous guest selection for TV sets, regular environmental coverage, and the establishment of accountability frameworks for disinformation spreaders.

The analysis of 44 media channels across four countries identified 815 cases of climate disinformation, with 85% occurring in private media. France experienced the highest volume of disinformation (665 cases), while Spain had the lowest (20 cases). In Europe, disinformation focuses heavily on renewable energy, often linked to anti-EU sentiment and perceived industrial decline, particularly in Poland. In Brazil, disinformation is tied to pro-agribusiness narratives and climate change denial. Peaks in disinformation correlate with environmental policy debates, international events, extreme weather, and statements by influential figures like Donald Trump.

The analysis of 44 media channels across four countries identified 815 cases of climate disinformation, with 85% occurring in private media. France showed the highest volume of cases, while Spain had the lowest. The report finds a negative correlation between the volume of climate coverage and the prevalence of disinformation, noting that disinformation often aligns with specific national narratives: pro-agribusiness in Brazil, anti-EU sentiment and industrial decline in Poland, and renewable energy skepticism in France.

The document expresses support for Canada's first national strategy to assess, prevent, and address environmental racism, as mandated by the 2024 National Strategy Respecting Environmental Racism and Environmental Justice Act. The signatories argue that racialized and Indigenous communities are disproportionately exposed to pollution and climate change, often masked by a lack of disaggregated population exposure data. To be credible, the signatories assert the strategy must center impacted communities, introduce an environmental equity lens across government departments, and incorporate comprehensive data gathering on ecological, social, and cultural determinants of health.

The report examines Mexico's progress toward the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework's '30x30' goal, focusing on the potential of OECMs to complement existing Protected Natural Areas (ANP). It identifies that while Mexico has a strong legal framework for social land ownership (ejidos and communities), inclusive conservation is hindered by state failure to enforce Indigenous rights, contradictory public policies, and budget cuts. The document details various conservation modalities, such as Wildlife Management Units (UMA) and Community Forest Management (MFC), and uses three case studies to highlight local motivations for conservation, primarily linked to water security and sustainable livelihoods. It concludes that for OECMs to be effective and inclusive, Mexico must establish transparent recognition processes, align agricultural subsidies with conservation incentives, and ensure the free, prior, and informed consent of local rights-holders.

The report finds that 73% of Poles are worried about climate change and 74% believe it will negatively impact future generations. Despite this, there is a growing 'I don't know' group (plemię nie wiem) regarding government action, which the authors attribute to a lack of political advocacy and the polarization of topics like wind energy. While some negative sentiment spiked following protests against the EU Green Deal, overall support for climate policy remains high, and no significant public opposition to environmental action was found across multiple surveys.

The report identifies government corruption, the cost of living, and the economy as the primary concerns for the general U.S. population, while global warming is a top priority only for the 'Alarmed' segment. It analyzes these worries across political ideologies and the 'Six Americas' framework, suggesting that climate communicators can broaden their appeal by linking climate action to these more prevalent economic and governance concerns.

Based on a May 2025 survey of 1,040 adults, the report finds that government corruption (54%), the cost of living (48%), and the economy (47%) are the top worries for Americans. In contrast, only 29% of the general population is very worried about global warming. The study highlights deep polarization: the 'Alarmed' group is highly concerned about climate change (92%), while the 'Doubtful' and 'Dismissive' groups report 0% high concern. The report suggests that climate communicators can broaden appeal by connecting climate action to economic opportunities, energy costs, and government accountability.

ClientEarth argues that CSOs in the EU, particularly those focused on environment and climate, face a deteriorating environment characterized by shrinking civic space, legal harassment (SLAPPs), and financial insecurity. The document criticizes the European Commission for restricting public access to documents and prioritizing corporate interests in 'strategic dialogues' over civil society. It calls for a binding framework for civil dialogue, systemic consultation at all legislative stages, and increased funding for protection mechanisms like the Aarhus Rapid Response Mechanism. Specific national examples of repression are cited in Poland, France, Italy, Germany, and Hungary, while Finland and Denmark are noted for positive engagement models.

The Table Mountain Fund, managed by WWF South Africa, has published a guide to facilitate public access to its records under the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA) and the Protection of Personal Information Act (POPIA). The manual outlines the process for requesting information, the associated fees, and the rights of data subjects regarding their personal information.

The BTC 2025 Communications Toolkit outlines best practices for public consultation on climate and nature, emphasizing transparency, accessibility, and the avoidance of 'tick box' exercises. It provides tailored messaging for seven distinct audience segments—ranging from Progressive Activists to Dissenting Disruptors—to ensure inclusive engagement and rebuild trust in institutions during the transition to net zero.

The Union of Concerned Scientists reports that the Trump administration launched 402 attacks on science between January and June 2025, exceeding the total from his first term. These actions include the layoff of over 120,000 federal employees, the dismantling of science-focused federal advisory committees, and the censorship of environment and climate webpages. The report highlights the suspension of NIH grant reviews and the bypassing of public comment processes to benefit the fossil fuel industry, which disproportionately impacts marginalized communities. The document recommends that Congress pass the Scientific Integrity Act and the EXPERTS Act to protect evidence-based policymaking.