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The SDG16DI 2020 Global Report argues that official data from National Statistical Offices (NSOs) are often insufficient, unreliable, or unavailable for monitoring SDG16 targets, particularly regarding conflict-related deaths, corruption, and press freedom. It highlights the critical role of 'non-official data'—produced by NGOs and academic institutions—in filling these gaps. The report provides case studies on sex-disaggregated data for violent deaths, trade-related illicit financial flows in developing nations, corruption and vote-buying in Latin America and the Caribbean, and the use of expert-based indices to measure representative decision-making. It also notes that the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated governance challenges while simultaneously reducing the capacity of NSOs to collect data.

The author argues that EU enlargement in the Western Balkans has stalled due to a 'dull reality' where local leaders benefit from the status quo and the EU lacks the political will or understanding to enforce genuine rule of law. The Berlin Process is critiqued as a 'plan B' that prioritised technical compliance over substantive reform. The document highlights specific failures in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, North Macedonia, Kosovo, and Albania, while warning that an economic and strategic vacuum is being filled by China, Russia, Turkey, and the USA. It further expresses concern over Croatia's 2020 EU presidency given its nationalist tendencies and strained relations with neighbours.

The GCF Secretariat report for the period ending 31 August 2019 details progress toward its 2019 goals. Key achievements include the approval of 66 additional funding proposals (public and private) and the signing of 81 Funded Activity Agreements (FAAs), meeting the annual KPI for legal agreements. The Secretariat advanced the first formal replenishment process, with pledges reaching USD 5.9 billion by August 2019. Efforts to strengthen country ownership included technical support for 32 countries' programming and the approval of 61 readiness grants. The report also highlights the development of the 2020–2023 Strategic Plan and the operationalization of a complementarity and coherence framework with other climate funds like the GEF and Adaptation Fund. Challenges remain in the slow disbursement of readiness funds due to delivery partner capacity and the need for further expertise to implement the SEAH Policy.

The report argues that high perceived investor risks in South East Europe lead to inflated financing costs for renewables, making them less competitive than conventional power plants. It proposes specific de-risking measures—most notably the EU budget guarantee mechanism—that could reduce project costs by up to 20%, potentially bringing onshore wind costs down to 46 EUR/MWh in Greece and 54 EUR/MWh in Serbia.

The document advises Energy Community Contracting Parties on integrating various climate and energy planning efforts, such as National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs), NDCs, and sectoral strategies, to reduce resource burdens and ensure policy alignment.

The GCF Secretariat report for early 2019 details progress across six strategic goals. Key achievements include the launch of the first formal replenishment process, the development of a Theory of Change to drive paradigm shifts, and the expansion of the Readiness Programme. While the number of projects under implementation rose to 51 by 30 April 2019, the Secretariat noted bottlenecks in signing agreements due to the immediate effectiveness of new Board policies. The report also highlights the operationalization of a 'community of practice' with 28 expert organizations and the refinement of second-level due diligence processes.

The Defenders in Development Campaign urges states and development finance institutions (DFIs) to integrate human rights protections into development projects, noting that defenders of land and environmental rights face extreme risks of violence and criminalization.

At its 21st meeting in October 2018, the GCF Board approved 19 new projects and programmes totaling USD 1.04 billion in GCF investment to support over USD 4 billion in climate action across more than 50 countries. The Board also accredited 16 new entities, appointed the World Bank as the Fund's Trustee, and launched the process for the GCF's first formal replenishment to be concluded by October 2019. Governance updates included the establishment of a Performance Oversight Committee and the appointment of Javier Manzanares as Executive Director ad interim.

The OSCE has struggled to implement its 2004 Gender Action Plan due to increased political polarisation, a consensus-based decision-making rule that grants all 57 participating States veto power, and budget constraints. While conservative states and the Holy See have resisted the 'gender' agenda, the document argues that the OSCE's field missions provide a critical opportunity to implement gender-oriented policies on the ground, provided their autonomy is protected from political turmoil.

As of 31 January 2018, the Green Climate Fund (GCF) had accredited 59 entities, with a pipeline of 198 entities having created accounts on the Online Accreditation System. The report highlights a strategic shift toward prioritizing direct access entities, which now constitute a larger share of those completing the accreditation process. It also details the ongoing support provided to direct access entities through readiness programs and gap assessments, and tracks the progress of accredited entities in fulfilling specific fiduciary, environmental, social, and gender conditions. Additionally, the document notes a temporary lack of quorum in the Accreditation Panel (AP), which delayed new accreditation recommendations for the nineteenth Board meeting.

The summer of 2017 saw extreme heat across Southern Europe, including the 'Lucifer' heat wave in early August. World Weather Attribution analysis indicates that human-induced climate change significantly increased the likelihood of these events. A summer as hot as 2017 is now estimated to have a 1 in 10 annual chance in the Euro-Mediterranean region and is projected to become normal weather by the middle of the century under continued greenhouse gas emissions.

The WACC Strategic Plan 2017–2021 establishes a framework to promote 'communication for all' as a fundamental human right. The organization aims to support marginalized populations—specifically those denied communication rights based on gender, status, or identity—through advocacy, capacity-building, and the creation of global networks. Key initiatives include the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP), the development of a Communication Rights Index, and a campaign to end news media sexism by 2020. WACC aligns its goals with the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement, positioning communication as essential for achieving these global targets.

The document provides executive summaries of national reports for Bulgaria, Estonia, Germany, Greece, Italy, Serbia, and the UK. It evaluates various energy efficiency scenarios—including Business as Usual (BAU) and those incorporating the impact of socio-economic barriers—using LEAP modelling and a Decision Support Tool (DST). The analysis consistently shows that while ambitious energy efficiency measures can meet EU targets, the presence of socio-economic barriers significantly reduces potential energy savings and GHG reductions across most studied countries and sectors.

The GCF-EBRD SEFF co-financing Programme aims to mobilize private sector climate finance by providing credit lines and technical support to local partner financial institutions (PFIs). The programme targets 13 countries, with an initial focus on Egypt, Georgia, Morocco, Tajikistan, and Tunisia, to finance over 20,000 projects in renewable energy, energy efficiency, and climate resilience. With a total budget of USD 1,538.5 million, the initiative seeks to reduce carbon emissions by approximately 29 million tonnes over its lifetime and create around 11,500 green jobs.

The EU-Turkey deal, implemented in March 2016, aimed to reduce irregular arrivals by establishing a 'one in, one out' resettlement formula for Syrian refugees. While the author notes the deal and accompanying border closures in Eastern and South Eastern Europe have successfully deterred arrivals, this has come at a high humanitarian cost. Refugees are now stranded in squalid conditions in Greece, Macedonia, and Serbia, or are forced onto more dangerous smuggling routes, including the Libya-Italy crossing. The author argues that the deal may undermine the international principle of 'non-refoulement' and that the EU's focus on deterrence has created a 'homemade humanitarian crisis'.

The document examines Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) as tools for developing countries to achieve mitigation and sustainable development goals. It highlights a significant gap between the high interest in NAMA development and the actual financial support provided, noting that less than 2% of requested support has been offered. The brief argues that the lack of official UNFCCC guidelines for stakeholder consultation and the absence of sector-specific environmental criteria—such as 'negative lists' to exclude harmful technologies—risk promoting 'greenwashing' and locking countries into high-carbon infrastructure. It recommends adopting universal safeguards, harmonized sustainable development assessments, and mandatory guidelines for effective stakeholder engagement, including indigenous peoples, to ensure NAMAs drive true transformational change.

The UN Sustainable Development Summit served to formally adopt the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and affirm global commitment to its implementation. The analysis highlights the success of the Open Working Group's (OWG) inclusive negotiation process, specifically the 'troika' method, in building universal ownership of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). While governments announced significant financial and environmental commitments—such as China's US$2 billion South-South cooperation fund and Panama's reforestation pledge—the document identifies critical gaps in the framework, specifically the need for finalized indicators, disaggregated data, and a detailed follow-up and review mechanism. Furthermore, the analysis emphasizes that the success of the SDGs is intrinsically linked to the outcomes of the Paris Climate Change Conference, noting that failure to meet climate objectives would jeopardize all SDGs.

The document provides a comprehensive introduction to Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), distinguishing them from carbon offsetting mechanisms like the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). It details the NAMA lifecycle—from concept to implementation—and examines the financial landscape, including the role of the NAMA Facility and the Green Climate Fund. The guide highlights the current state of NAMA deployment, noting that while many are in the design phase, few have reached implementation. It emphasizes the critical role of civil society in ensuring sustainable development and accountability through stakeholder engagement and Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) processes.

The author highlights the devastating floods in the Balkans and the collapse of the West Antarctic Ice Sheet as evidence of the urgent need for global societal and economic restructuring. Despite the solidarity shown during disasters, the author criticizes Balkan governments for continuing to build coal-fired power plants for export. The text calls for the elimination of fossil fuels, a reduction in energy consumption, and a move away from the current consumption-based economic model to ensure survival and sustainability.

The document analyzes the 2014 annexation of Crimea, arguing that while Russia violated the political commitments of the 1994 Budapest Memorandum and the Crimean authorities violated Ukrainian constitutional law, the legal status of the annexation is complex due to the nature of 'memorandums' versus treaties and the restrictive application of the 'right to self-determination' in international law. It concludes that the Security Council is unable to act due to Russia's veto, leaving the region in a state where it is legally considered part of Ukraine by most states but practically controlled by Russia.