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The document examines the discovery of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean and the subsequent formation of political alliances between Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. It evaluates three primary monetisation strategies: the East Med pipeline to Europe, a pipeline to Turkey, and a triangular strategy using Egypt as a gas hub. The author argues that while these projects are politically desirable for regional security and EU diversification, they face severe technical, financial, and geopolitical obstacles—including high construction costs, seismic risks, and volatile global gas prices—that may render them commercially unviable.

The paper analyzes the dual perception of the Mediterranean as both a 'threatening' and 'bridging' sea. It details the transition of Turkey from the Ottoman Empire to a secular republic based on a constructed Hittite identity, and compares this to Israel's own nation-building. The author argues that Israel, Greece, and Cyprus share common interests as small non-Muslim states facing external coercion and the decline of Middle Eastern Christianity, leading to increased military and intelligence cooperation.

The document argues that a combination of systemic shifts—including a regional power vacuum, the discovery of hydrocarbons, and a more hostile Turkish foreign policy—and the pro-Western orientation of the Nikos Anastasiades government enabled Cyprus to move from a reactive to a proactive foreign policy. This shift is manifested in 'trilateral partnerships' with Greece, Israel, and Egypt, which serve as a balancing strategy against Turkey. While these efforts have enhanced Cyprus's regional role and security, the author suggests they may have led the government to overlook the domestic and intercommunal complexities of the Cyprus Problem.

The document analyzes Greece's strategic shift in the Eastern Mediterranean, emphasizing the role of personal beliefs of policymakers like Nikos Kotzias in shaping a 'diverse active policy'. It details Greece's efforts to establish trilateral partnerships with Israel, Egypt, and Cyprus to counter Turkish influence and leverage hydrocarbon discoveries. Central to this strategy is the ambition to become a regional energy hub through projects like the EastMed pipeline and electrical interconnectors, while positioning Greece as an 'exporter of stability' within a 'triangle of instability' comprising Ukraine, Libya, and Syria.

The document examines the geopolitical motivations driving the partnership between Egypt, Greece, and Cyprus, particularly following the election of Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi in 2014. It analyzes the role of massive natural gas discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean and the shared desire to counter Turkish influence. The author distinguishes between a rigid military alliance and a flexible 'entente,' concluding that the trilateral relationship is the latter, as it lacks binding commitments for military intervention during conflict.

The report examines the shift in Eastern Mediterranean geopolitics driven by hydrocarbon discoveries and the formation of trilateral partnerships (Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt). It analyzes these alliances as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and assertive foreign policy. While energy is a primary driver, the report notes that technical, economic, and political obstacles—such as the viability of the EastMed pipeline and maritime boundary disputes—hinder full monetization of gas reserves. The text also explores the domestic drivers of foreign policy in Cyprus and Greece, the historical perceptions of the region from an Israeli perspective, and Turkey's strategic ambition to become a regional energy hub.

The document analyzes the remittance landscape in Ethiopia, noting a significant discrepancy between World Bank and National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE) inflow estimates. It identifies a high reliance on informal channels, estimated at 65% to 80% of remittance value, driven primarily by an overvalued currency and restrictive foreign exchange controls. The formal sector is bank-led and dominated by a few large players, with limited digital penetration due to the absence of e-money licenses and a lack of a national ID database. Infrastructure challenges, including low electricity and internet access and a basic national payment system lacking a retail electronic funds transfer (EFT) system, further hinder the efficiency of formal transfers. The report recommends implementing a risk-based approach to AML/CFT, legalizing foreign currency exchange at market rates, and developing a comprehensive e-money regulatory framework to reduce informality and costs.

The document analyzes the similarities and differences between China's engagement with Africa via the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and with Arab states via the China–Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF). It finds that while China–Arab relations are characterized by deeper economic and energy ties, China–Africa relations are more robust in terms of cultural diplomacy, people-to-people exchanges, and military engagement. The author highlights how China uses Africa as a testing ground for foreign policy initiatives and notes potential frictions in the Horn of Africa where Chinese and Gulf state interests overlap.

The report examines the environmental and health impacts of the global livestock sector, highlighting its role in greenhouse gas emissions, deforestation, and antimicrobial resistance. It argues that current consumption trends are incompatible with the Paris Agreement and Sustainable Development Goals. The document analyzes the rise of plant-based and cultured meat alternatives as disruptive innovations and criticizes the lack of government policies to drive a transition, noting that existing subsidies often support intensive farming. It recommends shifting subsidies, implementing meat taxes, and updating dietary guidelines to promote sustainable, low-emission food systems.

The guide highlights corporate human rights abuses in Asia—including land grabs in Malaysia and Sri Lanka, coal power threats to mangroves in Bangladesh, and nuclear risks in Russia and Palestine—to advocate for a UN Binding Treaty on Transnational Corporations. It calls for an enforceable legal mechanism, international grievance systems, and accountability for global supply chains and international finance.

Since 2016, Israel has pursued a vigorous African engagement strategy to secure diplomatic support in international forums and expand markets for its technology and security expertise. While relations are deepening with East African nations like Ethiopia and Kenya due to shared security concerns and commercial opportunities, ties with regional powerhouses Nigeria and South Africa remain complex and often strained by solidarity with the Palestinian cause. Despite high-level diplomatic efforts, including Prime Minister Netanyahu's visits and the proposed Africa-Israel Summit, the document finds that trade between Israel and Africa remains minimal and that winning consistent loyalty in the UN General Assembly remains elusive.

The author, a professor and self-described friend of Israel, criticizes the Israeli military's use of lethal force against Palestinian protesters in Gaza. He argues that the justifications provided by the Israeli government—namely that protesters are Hamas operatives—undermine the fundamental principle of discrimination between combatants and noncombatants. He asserts that the force used by the IDF was disproportionate and unfaithful to both Jewish moral tradition and international laws of war, such as the Geneva Conventions.

The report analyzes how Turkey's domestic transformation and regional foreign policy influence the security perceptions of Greek-Cypriots. It distinguishes between official perceptions, which prioritize military and state security, and non-official perceptions, which place greater emphasis on political and economic stability. The author argues that while Turkey is viewed as a primary existential threat, addressing broader human security concerns could provide a path for inter-communal collaboration in Cyprus.

The document denounces the violence carried out by Israeli forces on May 14, 2018, during the 'Great March of Return' and the official relocation of the US Embassy to Jerusalem. It reports that over 60 people were killed and 2,800 injured, describing the event as the bloodiest day since the 2014 Gaza war. The statement highlights the humanitarian crisis in Gaza caused by a blockade since 2006, noting that 97% of the water is non-potable. The authors call for the international community to end the Israeli occupation and recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine.

The document expresses condemnation over the killing of more than 60 Palestinians and the injury of over 2,800 others by Israeli forces on May 14, 2018, during the 'Great March of Return' protests. It highlights the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, noting that 97% of water is unsafe for drinking due to a blockade since 2006, and calls for international action to end the occupation and recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine.

Friends of the Earth International and Friends of the Earth Asia Pacific denounce the killing of over 60 Palestinians by Israeli forces on May 14, 2018, during the 'Great March of Return' protests. The statement highlights the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip, noting that 97% of water is non-potable due to a blockade since 2006, and urges the international community to end the occupation and recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine.

South Africa is overexploiting its renewable water resources, with more than 60% of its rivers currently overexploited. Forecasts indicate that demand will increase across agricultural, industrial, and municipal sectors through 2035, driven by population growth, urbanisation, and industrial expansion. The report highlights critical vulnerabilities, including deteriorating wastewater treatment facilities—where nearly 25% are in a 'critical state'—and high levels of non-revenue water (approximately 36% of municipal consumption). To avoid a national crisis, the authors recommend implementing tiered water pricing, expanding the use of treated wastewater, and increasing sustainable groundwater extraction. The report also notes that transitioning from coal-based energy to renewables would reduce industrial water demand. While large-scale infrastructure projects are planned, the report argues they are insufficient without aggressive demand reduction and efficiency measures.

The document analyzes Botswana's strategy to move beyond diamond extraction by establishing a downstream industry for cutting, polishing, and trading. It highlights how the government used De Beers' declining market power and high reliance on Botswana's rough diamond supply to secure a deal in 2005. This agreement led to the creation of the Diamond Trading Company (DTC) Botswana and the Diamond Technology Park, employing approximately 3,750 people by 2014. However, the study notes challenges from low-cost Asian competitors and the risk that the industry may leave once diamond reserves deplete in 30 to 40 years.

The report analyzes the climate-security nexus in the Eastern Mediterranean, identifying the region as a climate change hotspot where rising temperatures and water scarcity interact with fragile political structures. It highlights risks including domestic resource competition, potential conflicts over the Nile, Euphrates, and Tigris rivers, and increased migration toward Europe. The author argues that while conventional security threats currently dominate government agendas, the economic and physical impacts of climate change could trigger social unrest and regional instability. The report recommends increasing the visibility of economic risks to leaders and utilizing 'variable geometry' cooperation—combining inter-governmental frameworks like the Barcelona Convention with city-to-city and civil society networks—to foster regional adaptation.

The document examines the Eastern Mediterranean's transition from a strategic space used by great powers to a distinct geopolitical region. It analyzes the shift toward multipolarity and the emergence of 'proto-regionalism' through trilateral partnerships involving Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. While identifying potential for an Eastern Mediterranean Cooperation Council (EMCC) based on the Gulf Cooperation Council model, the author highlights significant obstacles, including the role of Turkey, the Cyprus conflict, and energy disputes.