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The briefing reports that Arab nations are rapidly expanding renewable energy, with current combined solar and wind capacity exceeding 12 GW. It identifies Egypt and the UAE as current leaders, while Oman, Morocco, and Algeria are emerging as major players with ambitious future projects. The region is increasingly focusing on giant-scale projects and green hydrogen production for export to Europe, with some projects, like Oman's 'Al Wusta', aiming for world-leading storage capacities.

The document examines the 'digital divide' facing approximately 38 developing countries in the WTO e-commerce JSI, highlighting gaps in infrastructure and information asymmetry. It argues that current cooperation provisions are too focused on regulatory alignment and recommends a hybrid Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) model—combining elements of the Trade Facilitation Agreement and GATS—to provide enforceable capacity building and flexible implementation periods.

The document highlights a significant digital divide and information asymmetry that hinder developing countries and LDCs from effectively participating in and benefiting from the WTO's Joint Statement Initiative (JSI) on e-commerce. It argues that current cooperation efforts are too focused on regulatory alignment and lack targeted technical assistance. The report proposes a hybrid model of Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) and a comprehensive support framework—including negotiation facilitation and multi-stakeholder consultations—to ensure that e-commerce rules serve as inclusive development tools.

The document analyzes the similarities and differences between China's engagement with Africa via the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and with Arab states via the China–Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF). It finds that while China–Arab relations are characterized by deeper economic and energy ties, China–Africa relations are more robust in terms of cultural diplomacy, people-to-people exchanges, and military engagement. The author highlights how China uses Africa as a testing ground for foreign policy initiatives and notes potential frictions in the Horn of Africa where Chinese and Gulf state interests overlap.

The document identifies a gap in sustainability efforts regarding gender and social equity, particularly within SMEs. It argues that gender acts as a 'social stratifier' that limits women's access to education, finance, and leadership, which in turn hinders overall economic and environmental progress. The brief provides a business case for gender equality, noting that closing gender gaps in agriculture and employment could significantly boost GDP and food security. It suggests that the 'green economy' risks excluding women if technical roles in renewable energy and construction remain male-dominated. Recommendations include implementing family-friendly workplace policies, repealing discriminatory laws, and adopting public procurement policies that target female-led micro- and small enterprises.

The study finds that youth bulges significantly increase the risk of domestic armed conflict, particularly when combined with economic stagnation. Using a dataset of sovereign states and dependent areas from 1950 to 2000, the author argues that the risk is heightened in regions like Sub-Saharan Africa and the Arab world where youth bulges coexist with poor economic performance and unstable political regimes. The research rejects Samuel P. Huntington's theory of a specific 'critical level' threshold for conflict and suggests that previous World Bank studies failed to find these effects due to flawed measurement methods. Additionally, the author identifies migration as a critical 'safety valve' that can mitigate youth discontent.