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SEforALL's 100 Days Report details the organization's efforts to integrate sustainable energy into COVID-19 recovery plans through 'Recover Better' guides for Africa, the Caribbean, and Southeast Asia. The report highlights the pandemic's severe impact on the off-grid sector, where surveyed companies expect revenue losses between 27% and 40%. It also outlines the launch of the 'Powering Healthcare' resource hub and the 'Chilling Prospects 2020' report, which identifies that 1.02 billion people lack cooling access. Strategically, SEforALL has approved a new Three-Year Business Plan (2021-2023) focusing on high-level advocacy and country-specific implementation across four thematic areas: Energy Diplomacy and Advocacy, Energy Access and Closing the Gap, Energy Transitions and Climate, and Intersection with other SDGs.

The report advocates for a paradigm shift in sanitation and wastewater management, moving from a focus on waste disposal to one of resource recovery. It details how recovering water, nutrients, and energy from waste streams can improve public health, food security, and climate mitigation while creating economic opportunities. The document provides technical guidance on system design, risk management for human and environmental health, and the institutional and financial frameworks necessary to implement sustainable, context-specific sanitation systems.

The report argues that framing migration as a security threat—driven largely by EU policies to stem migration to Europe—leads to restrictive border controls and the criminalisation of smuggling. Using Agadez, Niger, as a case study, the author demonstrates that these securitised approaches do not stop irregular migration but instead increase local insecurity, empower high-level smugglers, expose migrants to greater risks, and erode trust between citizens and governments. The document recommends shifting the narrative toward evidence-based migration management and expanding legal pathways for movement within Africa and between Africa and the EU.

The proposed programme aims to protect North African oases from climate change impacts, such as extreme heat, drought, and water scarcity. It focuses on establishing a regional management framework, implementing adaptation and mitigation measures (including solar energy for irrigation), and strengthening stakeholder capacity. The initiative seeks to transition from top-down to bottom-up, participatory decision-making to safeguard biodiversity and rural livelihoods.

The report examines the risks of increased arms sales to Africa, the fragile peace negotiations in Sudan and Mozambique, and the role of the AfCFTA in addressing structural drivers of conflict. It also critiques the AU Peace and Security Council for its lack of meeting records and discusses security threats in the Sahel.

A call for action on adaptation and resilience, co-led by Egypt and the UK and supported by the UNDP, was endorsed by 117 countries and 86 organisations by October 17, 2019. It is based on initiatives profiled at the UN Secretary General's Climate Action Summit, including the Coalition for Climate Resilient Investment (CCRI), the InsuResilience Global Partnership, and the LDC Initiative for Effective Adaptation and Resilience (LIFE AR).

The document argues that while the world faces unprecedented security risks from climate change, it also possesses unprecedented foresight through predictive modeling. However, a 'governance gap' exists because this information is not effectively translated for security decision-makers or aligned with security policy timelines. To address this, the authors propose the R2P2 framework, which consists of three principles: Assessment & Anticipation (creating a global climate security assessment hub), Elevation & Translation (establishing leadership by security practitioners to brief decision-makers), and Coordination & Alignment (bridging climate and security policy windows).

The report argues that austerity—defined as fiscal policy aimed at solving debt and growth problems through spending cuts and regressive taxes—leads to economic deterioration, rising unemployment, and increased inequality. It highlights that South Africa is deepening its implementation of austerity despite moderate debt levels compared to international norms. The author contends that these policies undermine constitutionally enshrined rights to health and education and proposes a shift toward a stimulus-based fiscal plan focused on progressive taxation and structural transformation.

The report describes Africa as a 'resilient but marginal player' in a global order where multilateralism is eroding and power is shifting toward a polycentric model. It identifies key barriers to African agency, including structural economic dependence, internal political fragmentation among 55 diverse states, and limited capacity at UN missions. The authors argue that Africa can increase its leverage by pooling resources through the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and by leveraging the 'Big 5' powers (Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, Algeria, and Ethiopia) to unify continental positions. While the report notes the risks of great power competition—specifically the 'new Scramble for Africa'—it highlights that African states have successfully exercised agency in relations with China through the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The document examines Russia's return to Africa through the lens of its 'multi-vector' foreign policy, which seeks to establish a multipolar world order and reduce dependence on the West. It details Russia's focus on niche markets—specifically nuclear energy, arms, and extractives—and its use of 'state champions' like Rosatom and Rosneft. The paper highlights Russia's military-security cooperation, including the use of private military companies in the Central African Republic and Libya, and its strategic relationship with South Africa via the BRICS framework. It concludes that while Russia offers an alternative to Western conditionalities, its engagement often prioritizes elite networks and resource extraction over broad development.

The 'Building a Resilient Future Day' outcome document outlines a multi-stakeholder effort to move beyond incremental change toward transformative climate resilience. It identifies 70 specific actions and emphasizes the need for risk-informed decision-making, nature-based solutions, and the integration of climate action with food security and conflict prevention. The report highlights the critical role of local communities, youth, and women in decision-making and calls for decentralized funding to reach grassroots levels. Key focus areas include the transformation of food systems, the implementation of early warning, early action (EWEA) systems, and the development of resilient urban infrastructure. The document aligns these efforts with the UN Climate Action Summit's Call for Action and the Global Commission on Adaptation's Year of Action.

The document examines the trade-offs for African nations joining the AIIB, noting that while the bank offers a new source of low-cost finance to address an annual infrastructure deficit of $68 to $108 billion, its lack of technical capacity-building and specific instruments for low-income countries outside Asia limits its appeal. It concludes that middle-income African countries are better positioned to benefit from membership than low-income countries.

The report assesses Ethiopia's development path to 2040, highlighting a tension between rapid GDP growth and lagging human development indicators. While the country has seen significant improvements in health and agricultural yields, it faces critical bottlenecks in primary education completion, basic infrastructure (WASH), and gender equality. The analysis warns that political liberalisation may create short-term instability due to ethnic factionalism and an 'anocratic' regime type. The report contrasts a positive 'Abiynomics' scenario, driven by targeted investments in human capital and governance, with a 'Dark Days' scenario characterized by political regression and economic decline.

The Red Sea is a complex geopolitical environment characterized by state-to-state rivalries, external military presence, and a perceived gap in maritime management. While shipping has remained largely undisrupted, threats persist from the war in Yemen, piracy, and violent extremist organizations. The report argues that existing regional organizations like IGAD and the AU have limited mandates or internal challenges, suggesting that new cooperative mechanisms should start with narrow mandates, prioritize information sharing, and include all relevant littoral and non-littoral stakeholders to avoid duplication and respect national sovereignty.

The August 2019 Peace & Security Council Report examines the African Union's (AU) struggle to define 'unconstitutional changes of government' in the context of popular uprisings in Algeria and Sudan. It highlights the risks of increasing foreign military presence, particularly in the Horn of Africa, and the resulting rivalry between global powers like the US and China. The report also advocates for the inclusion of women in Sudan's peace process and warns of potential political instability in Côte d’Ivoire ahead of the 2020 elections. Finally, it discusses the limited access civil society organizations have to AU and regional economic community structures.

The report examines the actions of 14 African countries at the UN Human Rights Council in 2017. It finds that the African Group is no longer a unified voting bloc, with significant divergence in how members approach human rights. Botswana, Ghana, and Rwanda are identified as the strongest defenders of international human rights among the group, while Burundi, Egypt, and Nigeria are characterized as the most antagonistic. The analysis highlights a recurring tension between the principle of national sovereignty and the universality of human rights, particularly regarding 'item 4' resolutions that mandate investigations into specific countries without their consent.

The paper finds that removing fossil fuel subsidies across 26 modeled countries leads to an average 6% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, which increases to 13.2% if combined with a 10% energy tax and reinvestment in renewables and energy efficiency. Globally, the removal of these subsidies is estimated to reduce emissions by 6.4% to 8.2% by 2050. The study highlights that governments save an average of USD 93 for every tonne of CO2e removed through subsidy reform, with total cumulative fiscal savings across the 26 countries reaching USD 2.56 trillion by 2030.

The paper evaluates the 'Kagame Reforms' of the African Union (AU), which aim to address bureaucratic inefficiency, funding shortages, and poor implementation of resolutions. While some structural changes have been adopted—such as reducing the number of AU commissioners and reforming summit schedules—the paper highlights significant resistance from member states, particularly within SADC and South Africa, regarding the 'Kaberuka Plan' for self-financing via an export levy. The authors argue that the long-term success of these reforms depends on overcoming national self-interest and surviving the transition of the AU presidency beyond 2019.

As of 30 June 2019, the Green Climate Fund (GCF) reports that portfolio concentration and liquidity remain within approved risk tolerance levels, with no non-performing loans for eight consecutive quarters. The portfolio consists of 101 approved funding proposals totaling USD 4.97 billion equivalent, with a distribution of 44% mitigation, 22% adaptation, and 13% cross-cutting projects. Geographically, Africa holds the largest share of approved funding at 43%, followed by Asia-Pacific at 31%. The fund maintains a foreign exchange commitment risk buffer of USD 46.6 million equivalent.

The document examines how Egypt's pursuit of nuclear energy, notably the $21 billion El Dabaa project with Russia, is complicated by climate vulnerabilities and security dynamics. It highlights risks such as sea level rise threatening coastal power plants and rising temperatures affecting reactor safety. The report recommends that the United States engage in nonproliferation efforts and that international entities help Egypt implement comprehensive climate security assessments for its nuclear infrastructure.