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The paper finds that removing fossil fuel subsidies across 26 modeled countries leads to an average 6% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, which increases to 13.2% if combined with a 10% energy tax and reinvestment in renewables and energy efficiency. Globally, the removal of these subsidies is estimated to reduce emissions by 6.4% to 8.2% by 2050. The study highlights that governments save an average of USD 93 for every tonne of CO2e removed through subsidy reform, with total cumulative fiscal savings across the 26 countries reaching USD 2.56 trillion by 2030.

The project targets four regional hubs in northern Mauritania—Aoujeft, Rachid, Tamchekett, and Nema—to address severe desertification and water scarcity. It aims to benefit 204,171 people through a combination of land rehabilitation, water infrastructure development, and the diversification of livelihoods. The initiative focuses on integrating climate change adaptation into local and national planning, utilizing ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA) to stop the southward expansion of the Sahara and protect fertile lands in the Sahelian region.

This research paper assesses the impact of removing consumer fossil fuel subsidies by 2025 across 26 countries, finding a simple average GHG emission reduction of 6% by 2030 compared to business as usual. The study argues that while FFSR alone is insufficient to meet Paris Agreement goals, combining it with a 10% energy tax and reallocating 30% of savings into renewable energy and energy efficiency could increase average reductions to 13.2% by 2030. It highlights that FFSR is a cost-effective tool, saving governments an average of USD 93 per tonne of CO2e removed. The paper also reviews the regressive nature of fuel subsidies and advocates for 'subsidy swaps' toward sustainable energy and social safety nets, noting that only 8% of current NDCs explicitly include FFSR.

The paper finds that most fossil fuel producing nations fail to use NDCs and LEDS to plan for a managed decline in production, often focusing only on cleaner extraction methods or explicitly planning for continued production.

Between 2016 and 2019, irregular migration from North Africa to Europe increased, characterized by a shift toward direct departures from home countries and a diversifying migrant demographic that now includes more women, children, and university graduates. The report identifies economic pessimism, structural inequality, and political exclusion as primary drivers, further amplified by a social media ecosystem that romanticizes Europe and provides practical smuggling advice. While European states prioritize border hardening, the report argues that such securitized approaches ignore underlying causes and may destabilize North African governments, which view migration as a social safety valve. It recommends transitioning from short-term technical fixes to comprehensive strategic programs addressing the rule of law and structural inequality.

The report examines the complex relationship between the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), specifically the application of 'subsidiarity'—the principle that regional structures should lead in their own jurisdictions. It highlights systemic failures in North Africa due to the inactivity of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), tensions between the AU and SADC over elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the AU's successful re-assumption of leadership in the Central African Republic. The document also notes the East African Community's (EAC) internal trade disputes, ECOWAS's struggle to adapt to violent extremism in the Sahel, and the general lack of civil society engagement within the AU and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

The briefing examines the role of the Islamic State (IS) as a driver of global conflict, noting that IS-related conflicts constituted approximately one third of all civil conflicts over the past five years. It argues that IS increases conflict complexity and polarization, making peace agreements less likely. Analysis of IS in Syria and Iraq reveals a strategy that prioritizes fighting over economic development and targets Sunni-dominated areas and petroleum-rich border regions. The authors conclude that these patterns make IS a persistent threat in other resource-rich countries with uncontrolled hinterlands, such as Libya, Chad, Niger, and Nigeria.

The report analyzes the shift in irregular migration patterns in North Africa, where countries previously serving as transit zones have become points of departure. It argues that economic decline and structural inequality are driving young Maghrebi citizens to migrate, which in turn complicates diplomatic relations and security partnerships between Maghreb states and European nations.

The report details how developing countries approach investment treaty negotiations, highlighting a trend toward renegotiating outdated agreements and the use of model treaties. It identifies the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and investment authorities as the primary leads in negotiations and provides a detailed mapping of ratification processes across various nations.

The document examines the reciprocal relationship between climate and land in Africa, highlighting how desertification and land degradation exacerbate food insecurity and poverty. It identifies specific risks for arid zones, the disproportionate impact on women and marginalized groups, and proposes integrated governance and sustainable land management practices to build resilience.

The document examines how climate change and unsustainable land management drive desertification and food insecurity in Africa, while highlighting sustainable land management practices and the necessity of integrated governance and gender-inclusive policies to build resilience.

The report examines the 2019 outlook for the African Union's Peace and Security Council, highlighting the potential return of major powers like South Africa and Ethiopia to the council. It critiques the slow implementation of AU reforms, specifically regarding financial self-sufficiency and the reduction of the AU Commission. The document details a volatile 2019 electoral calendar across 11+ countries and warns of escalating instability in Gabon, Cameroon, and the Sahel. Additionally, it discusses the progress of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the tensions surrounding AU-EU negotiations.

The document examines the potential for African public pension funds and Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) to address an annual infrastructure investment deficit of $130–$170 billion. While these institutional investors possess long-term horizons and substantial assets—such as South Africa's $318 billion retirement fund industry—actual infrastructure investment remains low due to a preference for traditional assets, a lack of bankable project pipelines, and regulatory constraints. The paper analyzes the landscapes of five countries and identifies key barriers, including a shortage of liquid financial instruments and a lack of internal expertise to appraise complex infrastructure risks. It suggests that capacity building, resource pooling, and early engagement between developers and regulators are essential to stimulate institutional appetite for this asset class.

The report finds that while armed conflict fatalities in Africa are generally declining, the continent remains vulnerable due to structural drivers including poverty, youth bulges, and poor governance. It notes a shift from rural armed conflict toward urban political protests and riots. The analysis identifies a core group of countries at the highest risk of armed conflict and argues that inclusive economic development and improved governance are the only long-term solutions for stability.

The authors created the CACAO database, which uses a 110x110 km grid to map conflicts, climate data, and socio-economic variables across Africa. Initial descriptive analysis shows that conflicts often overlap with areas rich in natural resources and populated regions, while the relationship with temperature and precipitation changes is more complex and requires further spatial and temporal analysis.

The Innovations for Resilience Convening, co-hosted by the Global Resilience Partnership, WFP, UNDP, and 1BC, focused on the role of technology and cross-sector partnerships in building community resilience. The report identifies key barriers to scaling innovations—such as rigid funding cycles and risk aversion—and showcases specific projects including satellite-based credit in the Horn of Africa, drone mapping in the Maldives, and hydroponics in Algeria. It emphasizes the need for 'disruptive change' and a 'fail fast' mindset to move from gradual development improvements to exponential growth in resilience.

Morocco re-joined the African Union on 30 January 2017 after a 33-year absence caused by the admission of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). The paper argues that Morocco used extensive economic diplomacy and bilateral agreements to secure support for its return, aiming to cement its leadership in Africa and eventually secure AU recognition of its control over Western Sahara. The author highlights a tension between Morocco's rhetoric of African unity and its history of border disputes, suggesting that the AU lacks a strategy to manage the agendas of powerful member states.

The report examines the 2018 African Union Peace and Security Council elections, noting a shift toward regional consensus and a decline in the average governance and democracy scores of member states. It details institutional reform struggles led by President Paul Kagame, specifically the contested transformation of Nepad into a development agency. Additionally, it analyzes the need for sanctions in South Sudan, the political deadlock in Togo, and the challenges of state absence in the Central African Republic.

The research examines 143 African ethnic groups to determine if customary institutions influence communal violence. It finds that groups with more formalized customary institutions—such as courts, legislatures, and chiefs—are significantly less likely to be involved in both inter-communal and intra-communal conflicts. The authors argue these institutions facilitate credible bargaining and mediation. In contrast, the study finds only weak and non-robust evidence that the inclusiveness or 'democratic' nature of these institutions reduces conflict.

The document examines the African Union's (AU) efforts to integrate youth into democratic governance, highlighting the African Governance Architecture-Youth Engagement Strategy (AGA-YES) and the African Youth Charter. It argues that despite these frameworks, young people remain largely alienated and marginalised, facing significant barriers such as unemployment and restrictive legislation. The brief details findings from 2016 regional consultations, noting that youth often lack knowledge of the AU human rights system and face systemic hurdles like prohibitive age requirements for political office. It recommends that member states domesticate AU shared values, repeal discriminatory laws, and move beyond tokenistic engagement to harness the potential of Africa's youth demographic.