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The report projects Morocco's GDP to reach US$253.4 billion by 2043 on its current path, with potential to reach US$384 billion in a combined scenario. While the country benefits from a demographic window of opportunity and a shift toward high-value manufacturing, it faces significant challenges including severe water stress, heavy energy import dependence, and a large informal economy. Key growth drivers identified include the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), governance reforms, and strategic investments in education and infrastructure.

The document introduces Morocco's geography, noting its unique position as the only African country with both Atlantic and Mediterranean coastlines and a land border with the European Union. It outlines the country's political structure as a unitary semi-constitutional monarchy and details territorial disputes regarding Western Sahara and Spanish enclaves. Finally, it notes that Morocco faces severe climate change risks, specifically increasing temperatures and decreased rainfall.

Mauritania is a lower-middle-income country in Northwest Africa characterized by an arid climate, a mining-led economy, and a multi-ethnic society. While the country has transitioned toward a semi-presidential republic with peaceful leadership transitions, it continues to face challenges including corruption, restricted civil liberties, and entrenched slavery.

Global Energy Monitor reports that 216 GW of proposed green hydrogen projects in 11 African countries are primarily designed for export to Europe, despite a lack of established markets, funding, and infrastructure. The analysis highlights a disconnect between these massive, often hypothetical projects and the urgent need for domestic electrification, noting that 61% of prospective utility-scale wind and solar projects in Africa are earmarked for hydrogen. While small-scale distributed solar and wind projects have successfully improved energy access, the large-scale hydrogen push risks creating stranded assets and depleting local water resources without providing significant local economic value.

The document examines the ecological insecurity caused by military occupations, noting that hostile authorities often engage in the deliberate destruction of ecosystems and exploitation of natural resources. It analyzes the limitations of the 1907 Hague Regulations in the context of the modern 'triple planetary crisis' and provides examples of environmental damage in Georgia, Kuwait, Palestine, and Timor-Leste. The author proposes legal remedies through the International Criminal Court and the ICJ, as well as policy interventions such as environmental risk assessments and citizen science monitoring to enhance ecosystem resilience.

South Africa's foreign policy is centered on 'active non-alignment' and the 'universality' posture, aiming to mediate global conflicts and promote the interests of the Global South. A primary focus is the African continent, specifically through the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the pursuit of Agenda 2063. The government seeks to enhance economic diplomacy by supporting South African investments in Africa and developing regional value chains for critical minerals like lithium. Additionally, South Africa maintains a commitment to human rights and self-determination, evidenced by its legal actions at the International Court of Justice regarding Palestine and its support for Western Sahara. On a multilateral level, the country advocates for the reform of the UN Security Council and leverages its membership in BRICS and the G20 to amplify African influence.

The document examines the contradictions in Namibia's foreign policy on human rights, noting a gap between its progressive Constitution and its practical international conduct. It identifies key tensions, such as the conflict between multilateralism and state sovereignty, and the prioritisation of 'solidarity politics' from the liberation struggle over universal human rights standards. This is evidenced by Namibia's frequent abstentions at the UN on country-specific human rights resolutions and its continued diplomatic ties with authoritarian regimes.

The document analyzes the distinct paths toward statehood for Somaliland and the SADR, contrasting Somaliland's case of secession from Somalia with the SADR's struggle for self-determination against Moroccan occupation. It examines how the African Union's adherence to inviolable colonial borders, despite precedents like Eritrea and South Sudan, complicates these efforts. The authors argue that both territories seek to reclaim colonial-era boundaries rather than alter them, yet they face significant economic and political hurdles due to a lack of formal recognition.

The report highlights that the EU relies heavily on imports of common octopus from Morocco, with significant quantities originating from the waters off Dakhla in Western Sahara. It argues that this trade poses legal, financial, and reputational risks for European companies and investors because the exploitation of these resources occurs without the consent of the Saharawi people, violating international law and the right to self-determination. The document notes that the General Court of the European Union annulled trade decisions covering Moroccan fishery products due to this lack of consent, though a final judgment from the European Court of Justice is pending.

The MENA region increased its operational renewable energy capacity by 57% since May 2022, adding 6.9 GW of solar and wind power. While there is a massive pipeline of 361 GW in planned projects, 60% of this capacity is earmarked for green hydrogen production and export rather than domestic decarbonization. The region remains heavily dependent on fossil fuels, with oil and gas providing over 90% of electricity, and 18 of 23 analyzed countries planning to expand their gas and oil power fleets. To fully decarbonize the electricity sector by 2050, the region would need to add 19 GW of solar and wind capacity annually.

The report examines the 'Black Friday' tragedy at the Melilla border, where at least 23 migrants died during an attempted crossing from Morocco to Spain. It contrasts official government claims that the event was caused by criminal trafficking networks with testimonies from survivors and human rights organisations, who describe illegal push-backs and coordinated violence by Spanish and Moroccan security forces. The text further analyzes the geopolitical relationship between Spain and Morocco, highlighting how financial aid and diplomatic agreements regarding Western Sahara are used to secure Morocco's role as a 'border guardian' for Europe, which the author contends leads to systemic human rights violations.

The document investigates whether Russia exerts significant influence over African states in the UN Security Council (UNSC) by analyzing voting patterns between 2014 and 2020. It argues that Russia's influence over the A3 is often exaggerated, as statistical evidence shows that African member states remain more aligned with the P3 (US, UK, and France) and are largely independent of Russian vetoes and abstentions. While the A3 have increasingly sought to present unified positions on African peace and security issues, their voting behavior on non-African files shows a declining coincidence with Russian positions over time.

The document investigates whether Russia exerts significant influence over African states in the UN Security Council (UNSC) by analyzing voting patterns between 2014 and 2020. It argues that Russia's influence over the A3 is often exaggerated, as statistical evidence shows little coordination and a trend of increasing divergence. While the A3 are increasingly presenting unified positions on African issues, their voting behavior remains more aligned with the P3 (US, UK, and France) than with Russia. The brief concludes that Russia's role as a 'loud dissenter' has not translated into a strategic alliance with the African grouping.

Morocco re-joined the African Union on 30 January 2017 after a 33-year absence caused by the admission of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). The paper argues that Morocco used extensive economic diplomacy and bilateral agreements to secure support for its return, aiming to cement its leadership in Africa and eventually secure AU recognition of its control over Western Sahara. The author highlights a tension between Morocco's rhetoric of African unity and its history of border disputes, suggesting that the AU lacks a strategy to manage the agendas of powerful member states.

The author criticizes the European Union's criminalization of migration and the failure of neoliberal development models in the Maghreb. It highlights the link between environmental degradation—such as desertification and water scarcity—and forced migration, noting that 'environmental refugees' may reach 250 million by 2050. The text calls for a transition to 'post-development' cooperation that reduces Europe's ecological footprint while improving the Human Development Index (HDI) in the Maghreb, moving beyond the interests of extractive elites and the 'Washington Consensus'.

The author contends that the EU must move away from criminalizing migrants and implementing neoliberal economic models in the Maghreb. Instead, the document proposes a cooperation framework based on reciprocity and ecological awareness, highlighting how environmental issues—such as desertification in coastal areas and water scarcity linked to fracking in Algeria—drive social instability and migration. It criticizes the 'Washington consensus' and the lack of international legal recognition for environmental refugees, who are estimated to reach 250 million by 2050. The text also notes that political instability, corruption, and bilateral conflicts between nations like Morocco and Algeria hinder regional cooperation and the development of interregional projects.

The author critiques the European Union's current approach to migration, characterizing it as based on myths that criminalize migrants and ignore the systemic links between environmental degradation and displacement. The text argues that North Africa's future depends on moving away from neoliberal models and resource extraction—such as shale gas in Algeria—toward ecological sustainability and democratic stability. It calls for the recognition of 'ecological refugees' and a reduction of the Global North's ecological footprint to address the root causes of migration.

The February 2015 Peace & Security Council Report details the AU's efforts to manage continental security crises. Key outcomes include the authorization of a 7,500-strong Multinational Joint Task Force (MJTF) to combat Boko Haram and a new tiered funding model for the AU budget. However, the report notes significant setbacks, such as the deferral of the Commission of Inquiry report on South Sudan and deep divisions within the International Contact Group on Libya. It also highlights the high risk of election-related violence across 18 African states in 2015 and the ongoing struggle to defeat al-Shabaab in Somalia.

The paper analyzes the evolution of the 'Women, Peace and Security' (WPS) framework, centered on UN Security Council Resolution 1325. While the author notes rapid normative spread and broad political acceptance among member states and regional organizations, she highlights a significant failure to translate these norms into practice. This is evidenced by low female representation in UN peace operations and political missions, insufficient funding, and a lack of accountability at leadership levels. The author argues that while shifting global power dynamics and opposition from states like Russia and China pose risks, the continued pressure from transnational women's networks remains the primary driver for future progress.

The document outlines three primary factors for South Africa's success on the UN Security Council: restoring relations between the African Union and the Council, adopting a coherent approach to African conflicts, and securing a unified voice with other African members, specifically Morocco. It highlights the tension between South Africa's ambition for a permanent seat and the difficulty of building African consensus, citing divisions over Libya, Syria, and the election of Morocco. The author suggests a pragmatic approach to cooperation with Morocco, potentially using the instability in Sudan as a starting point for alliance-building.