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The IAI report covers its progress in transdisciplinary research, the implementation of the Third Cooperative Research Networks (CRN3) program, and the development of professional seminars to bridge the gap between science and policy in the Americas. Key achievements include the launch of a Massive Open Online Course (MOOC) on climate change impacts in Latin America and the establishment of a science-policy liaison office in Buenos Aires to systematize the impact of IAI research on regional governance.

The IAI activities plan for 2016-2017 focuses on institutional transitions in Argentina and Brazil, the continuation and expansion of CRN3 research projects with an emphasis on interdisciplinary science and ecosystem services, and the delivery of professional development seminars across the Americas. Key science-policy goals include launching a MOOC at COP-22, participating in UNCBD COP-13 and IPBES-5, and aligning research with the UN Sustainable Development Goals.

The IAI's 2016-2017 plan focuses on enhancing interdisciplinary research through the CRN3 projects and new grants on ecosystem services for adaptation. Key capacity-building initiatives include professional seminars in Costa Rica, Chile, Dominican Republic, and Canada, as well as an advanced science school on the nitrogen cycle in Brazil. The institute aims to strengthen science-policy links through a MOOC launched at COP 22, a partnership with IPBES, and participation in the UN High-Level Political Forum regarding the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

The report details the 'Impacts of Climate Change and Global in Latin America' MOOC, a free educational tool launched at COP-22 to provide knowledge on climate science and its effects on biodiversity and services in Latin America. Developed with 21 scientists from eight countries, the course covers six thematic axes, including terrestrial and marine ecosystems and the agricultural sector. As of February 28, 2018, the course had 8,684 registered users and 94,371 visits. The document proposes implementing a digital certification system involving module-specific exams with a minimum passing score of 80 to increase user retention and provide professional accreditation.

The report assesses the current state of electricity generation, transmission, and consumption across Africa, highlighting a 'double burden' of climate and transition risk. It finds that while renewable energy potential is high, investment is heavily skewed toward generation and concentrated in a few countries, with significant data gaps hindering effective policy. The analysis of Global Production Networks (GPNs) reveals a heavy dependence on imported technology, particularly from China, and identifies specific challenges and opportunities for localising solar and wind value chains. Employment data is noted as inconsistent, though solar PV dominates the current renewable energy job landscape.

The document details the use of the SAVi methodology to evaluate the 4.1 km Rabat bypass road in Morocco, including the Mohammed VI bridge. By simulating six different scenarios—ranging from budget cuts in maintenance to climate change-induced road damage—the analysis demonstrates how integrating external factors like carbon costs, accident costs, and time savings alters the project's financial outlook. The results indicate that when these external factors are included, the project's integrated cost-benefit analysis shows net losses across all scenarios, suggesting it is not a robust investment.

While the MENA region has low direct exposure to US tariffs, it faces significant indirect risks including energy price volatility, trade diversion (specifically 'dumping' of Chinese steel and aluminium), and inflationary pressures. Certain countries are more exposed than others, with Jordan facing risks to its garment exports, while Türkiye may gain competitiveness in textiles. The region's long-standing policy of non-alignment between the US and China is under pressure as trade is increasingly weaponized, though the Gulf's strategic geography and investments in digital infrastructure offer paths toward resilience.

The briefing outlines key environmental priorities for the WTO's MC12, focusing on fisheries subsidies, climate policy alignment with the Paris Agreement, and several member-led initiatives. It highlights the 'Structured Discussions on Trade and Environmental Sustainability' (TESSD), a ministerial declaration on plastic pollution, and a proposal for fossil fuel subsidy reform. The author emphasizes that success depends on integrating the needs of developing countries through enhanced 'Aid for Trade' and inclusive dialogue to avoid a two-speed global green economy.

The research project examined SD strategies in 19 countries and the European Union, concluding that while innovations exist in strategy types and participation, no country has achieved a truly strategic approach due to fragmented management cycles and weak feedback processes. Key findings highlight that SD strategies often remain peripheral to national budgeting and struggle with 'the administrative trap' of vertical government structures. The document identifies four main strategy types: comprehensive and multi-dimensional, cross-sectoral, sectoral, and integration into existing planning. Specific innovations are noted, such as Sweden's environmental tax shifting and Switzerland's constitutional elevation of sustainable development to a national goal.

The case study applies the Sustainable Asset Valuation (SAVi) tool to the 41.1 km Contournement de Rabat toll road in Morocco to evaluate how operational risks and externalities impact its financial performance. The analysis compares a 'Business as Usual' (BAU) scenario against five risk-based scenarios, including reduced maintenance, increased road works, traffic surges, and climate-related damage. The findings demonstrate that while conventional cost-benefit analysis (CBA) may show a profit, an integrated CBA including externalities—such as the cost of accidents and the social cost of carbon—often results in a net loss, indicating the project may not be a sound investment for debt or equity investors when these factors are internalized.

The Institute for Security Studies' African Security Analysis Programme convened a roundtable seminar featuring representatives from opposing sides of the Western Sahara conflict. The event aimed to achieve an objective understanding of the protracted dispute between Morocco and the Polisario Front, which began following the Spanish withdrawal in February 1976 and has since divided the Maghreb region and the African continent.

The document examines the breach of arms control systems during the Libyan conflict, specifically focusing on France and Qatar's admission of supplying arms to rebels. It highlights the failure of end-user monitoring and the potential violation of contractual obligations, noting that Qatar may have re-exported arms sourced from the US and other nations, including Swiss ammunition. The author notes the inconsistent international response and the silence of South Africa regarding these transfers despite its own claims of being a responsible arms exporter.

This document is an introductory report from the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) regarding a conference held on 31 May 2011. The conference aimed to analyze the 2011 North African revolutions and generate policy responses to peace and security challenges to support democratization and human security in the region.

The document warns that a proposed Protocol to the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW) would allow some countries to continue trading, stockpiling, and using cluster munitions, thereby weakening the international legal standard established by the 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM). It highlights that Africa is disproportionately affected by these weapons, with nearly a third of affected countries and territories located on the continent. The author urges African states to maintain their commitment to a total ban to avoid setting a dangerous legal precedent where a lower standard of international law is adopted after a higher one has already been agreed upon.

The report argues that the success of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) depends heavily on improving the efficiency, capacity, and security of Africa's maritime transport and port infrastructure to facilitate the movement of goods across the continent.

The research examines 'pirogue migration' from West Africa to the Canary Islands, arguing that migrants are not irrational or suicidal but make decisions based on a specific socioeconomic and moral context. It identifies that the inability to achieve social adulthood—defined by financial independence and the ability to marry—creates a 'social moratorium' that makes the risks of the journey acceptable. The study finds that migrants actively filter risk information, often discrediting official awareness campaigns as biased. Furthermore, notions of masculinity, honor, and Sufi Islamic beliefs frame the journey as a courageous sacrifice or a matter of divine destiny, effectively neutralizing the fear of death.

The research examines nine donor-supported active citizenship programs implemented between 2010 and 2015 in Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, and Tunisia. The authors argue that these programs, primarily funded by the US and Europe, employ a 'neo-liberalization of citizenship' approach that emphasizes formal participation and technical skill-building over political dissent and social mobilization. Through interviews with approximately 250 activists, the study finds a significant gap between the normative, Western-inspired training modules and the actual political constraints in the MENA region, such as secretive decision-making, unreliable judicial systems, and the dominance of informal power networks. The paper concludes that these programs risk bolstering the legitimacy of non-democratic regimes by encouraging tokenistic engagement and disconnecting activists from their local communities.

The research demonstrates that states experiencing civil wars are significantly more likely to be involved in militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). Using data from 1946 to 2001, the authors find that this 'civil peace' effect is comparable in magnitude to the 'democratic peace' effect. Analysis of over 400 MIDs reveals that the increased risk is driven by states attempting to influence the outcome of civil wars through direct intervention, externalization (such as cross-border counter-insurgency), and unintended spillovers, rather than by opportunistic attacks on weakened states or diversionary wars to consolidate domestic power.

The study argues that while rising food prices create economic grievances, these only translate into urban unrest if societal organizations—such as civil society organizations (CSOs) and political parties—are present to provide mobilization structures and frame grievances. Using data from 41 African countries, the author finds that state repression of these organizations generally decreases the probability of unrest. Interestingly, the highest risk of unrest occurs in moderately repressive regimes that still allow some organizational activity, rather than in completely open societies, where citizens may prefer voting over protesting or where organizations provide alternative coping mechanisms.

The document examines the complex geopolitical landscape of the Middle East through a series of expert perspectives. Key themes include the failure of Western 'exceptionalism' in diplomacy, the systemic human rights abuses in countries like Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and the critical role of water scarcity as a driver of intra-state conflict. It provides detailed analysis of the 'bottom-up' stabilization efforts in Iraq via local ceasefires, the strategic threat of Iranian nuclear proliferation, and the use of public diplomacy by non-state actors like Hizbollah. Additionally, it addresses the stalled peace process between Israel and Palestine and the specific challenges of the Cyprus division.