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The study finds a positive correlation between education and protest activity across 42 African countries, suggesting that education increases both the motivation to challenge authoritarian regimes and the organizational capacity to stage protests.

The document forecasts that Africa's population will grow to over 1.8 billion by 2035, potentially compounding poverty if economic growth and job creation do not keep pace. While economic growth is expected, it will be heterogeneous, with oil-dependent nations remaining vulnerable to price shocks. The region faces significant infrastructure gaps, particularly in electricity and water, and rapid urbanisation that may increase social instability. Despite a rise in riots and protests, high-fatality violence is lower than in the 1990s. Popular support for democracy remains strong, although actual democratic governance remains fragile and limited in scope.

The report examines Nigerian citizens' views on Boko Haram, identifying a complex interplay of financial incentives, lack of education, and a desire for belonging as primary recruitment drivers. It highlights a deep distrust of Nigerian political institutions and local government, contrasted with higher trust in the presidency and religious leaders. The study finds that while many citizens favor military action, there is significant support for non-military solutions and a strong belief that corruption is a primary security threat. Funding is perceived to come largely from politicians and other terrorist groups, though criminal activities also contribute.

Africa is experiencing unprecedented urban growth, with its urban population expected to reach 1.4 billion by 2050. While this transition offers economic potential, it is occurring alongside slow structural transformation and pervasive poverty. The paper highlights the rise of megacities—such as Lagos, Cairo, and Kinshasa—and warns that without integrated urban planning and inclusive economic growth, cities will face increasing slum proliferation and urban violence.

The report finds a significant lack of primary quantitative research on how fossil fuel subsidy reforms specifically affect women. It argues that while subsidies are generally regressive—benefiting wealthier households—their removal can disproportionately harm poor women due to their primary responsibility for domestic energy tasks and limited intra-household bargaining power. The document reviews the potential for mitigation measures, such as conditional cash transfers and targeted energy vouchers, and outlines a mixed-methods research plan for Bangladesh, India, and Nigeria to analyze impacts on women's welfare, productivity, and empowerment.

The document examines the gendered impacts of fossil fuel subsidy reform in Nigeria, highlighting how increased energy prices can reduce women's economic opportunities and worsen respiratory health due to a shift toward biomass fuels. It advocates for a "precautionary principle" in policy design, suggesting targeted compensation such as in-kind transfers, micro-loans for women, and the promotion of domestic clean cooking technologies like LPG and improved stoves. The authors emphasize that the government can improve public acceptance of reform by credibly demonstrating that vulnerable women are protected and that subsidy savings are reinvested into effective energy access policies.

The paper investigates Chinese manufacturing investment in Nigeria, finding limited but significant technology transfer, particularly in automobile assembly and light manufacturing. While Chinese firms provide employment and affordable machinery, the study notes a lack of sectoral clustering in special economic zones and weak backward linkages to the local economy. It highlights the role of Nigerian import substitution policies in attracting investment but warns of reputational risks due to unethical business practices by some Chinese firms.

The 2015 Nigerian election saw the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) defeat the incumbent People's Democratic Party (PDP), a result attributed to better APC organization, widespread dissatisfaction with the PDP's handling of security and the economy, and technological improvements in the electoral process. The author argues that President-elect Muhammadu Buhari must prioritize combating Boko Haram, addressing potential instability in the oil-producing Delta region, and implementing anti-corruption measures to restore public confidence and attract global investment. Key economic recommendations include boosting agriculture, improving electricity supply, and passing the Petroleum Industries Bill to reform the oil sector.

The document highlights the vulnerability of sub-Saharan African port infrastructure to climate hazards such as sea level rise, storm surges, and extreme rainfall. It notes that while the industry is aware of climate change, this awareness is rarely translated into practical planning. The brief recommends establishing a close dialogue between climate scientists and port practitioners, reviewing port master plans, and providing designers with simple, quantified projections of climate variables to improve long-term resilience.

The document proposes a new analytical framework for understanding organised crime, suggesting that criminal networks act as 'parallel sovereigns' that exercise authority in spaces neglected by formal institutions. It argues that the global neoliberal market has replaced the state as the primary referent of sovereignty, allowing criminal networks to commoditise influence and political connectivity to integrate themselves into governance.

The report highlights that kerosene lamps emit significantly more black carbon than previously estimated, contributing to global warming and severe health risks. It argues that replacing these lamps with solar LED and other off-grid alternatives is a cost-effective climate mitigation strategy with substantial co-benefits. While many initiatives already exist, the report suggests the CCAC could add value by raising high-level awareness, promoting quality standards, and supporting finance for SMEs and consumers, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia.

The document examines Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) as a cost-effective, low-carbon alternative to private car-based transport in rapidly growing cities. It details the hardware and software components of BRT, analyzes the value chain and organizational roles (owner, manager, and asset manager), and discusses the political economy challenges, such as resistance from informal transport operators and car owners. The report emphasizes that while BRT is a mature technology, its success depends on local context, institutional capability, and integration with broader transport networks.

The April 2011 elections in Nigeria were viewed as a significant improvement over previous polls, though they were marred by pre-election violence and post-election unrest in the north. Incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan won the presidency with 58.89% of the vote, while his rival Muhammadu Buhari dominated the northern states. The document highlights deep-seated systemic issues, including the 'resource curse' of oil, widespread corruption among the political elite, and the collapse of the 'zoning' consensus intended to balance regional power. Despite the role of a vibrant civil society and an independent judiciary, the author argues that without visionary leadership and major reforms in the oil industry and public sector, the prospect of genuine good governance remains slim.

The policy brief examines the broad economic relationship between China and Nigeria, highlighting significant investments in oil, infrastructure, and agriculture, while identifying the banking sector as an under-developed area for future cooperation. It details existing financial links, such as the involvement of the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) and First Bank, and suggests that current reforms in the Nigerian banking sector create opportunities for Chinese acquisitions and investments. The author notes that while past projects were often marred by corruption, the banking sector offers a new avenue for mutual economic benefit and regional expansion.

The document analyzes the regulatory reforms in the Nigerian banking sector and the broader scope of Chinese economic diplomacy in Nigeria, suggesting that the banking sector represents an understudied but promising area for further Sino-Nigerian cooperation.

The document examines Chinese investment in Nigeria's free trade zones (FTZs), focusing on the Lekki Free Trade Zone (LFTZ) and the Ogun Guangdong Free Trade Zone (OGFTZ). It highlights that while Nigeria has provided generous tax and ownership incentives since 1992, implementation has been slow due to infrastructural weaknesses and governance uncertainties. The LFTZ, a joint venture where a Chinese consortium holds a 60% stake, has faced challenges including internal consortium disputes, funding delays, and power supply issues. The author argues that Nigeria's high-risk profile gave Chinese investors excessive leverage, leading to an initially over-generous 50-year lease agreement that was later renegotiated to reduce the zone's size and mandate a 40% Nigerian workforce. The brief concludes that for FTZs to succeed and facilitate technology transfer, African governments must ensure high-level political commitment, maintain a confident negotiating stance, and improve the overall business climate.

The document analyzes the failure of 'oil for infrastructure' deals in Nigeria, where Chinese companies secured oil blocs in exchange for projects like the Lagos–Kano railway and Mambilla power station. These projects were stalled after the 2007 transition to President Yar’Adua's administration, which preferred cash payments over infrastructure. Consequently, Chinese firms have shifted toward direct acquisitions of oil assets for cash, exemplified by Sinopec's $7.2 billion purchase of Addax Petroleum in 2009.

The document analyzes the bilateral relationship between Nigeria and China, noting a shift in strategy following the transition from President Olusegun Obasanjo to Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. It argues that the 'oil for infrastructure' model failed due to Nigeria's electoral cycle and governance issues, leading China to adopt a lower-risk strategy of purchasing established oil companies. Despite political volatility, Chinese multinational companies continue to expand their market share in Nigeria's construction, telecommunications, and power sectors due to competitive pricing and access to state-backed credit.

This case study examines the Nigerian energy landscape from 1990 to 2005, highlighting a heavy reliance on fossil fuels and unsustainable biomass. It identifies significant potentials for clean energy in solar, wind, biomass, and natural gas (specifically flare-to-power), while noting that investment is hindered by infrastructure deficits, political risks, and market distortions such as energy subsidies. The report proposes several Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) projects and a specific trigeneration case study for a rice mill cluster in Abakaliki to demonstrate the viability of biomass-to-energy systems.

The report analyzes the environmental vulnerability of West Africa, focusing on the interplay between poverty, environmental degradation, and natural hazards. It identifies key sensitivities in health, water availability, and food security, while detailing the diverse farming systems and urban livelihoods that shape resilience. The document emphasizes that vulnerability is exacerbated by social inequities, political conflict, and population growth, and argues for integrated poverty reduction strategies that prioritize diversification and adaptive capacity to mitigate the impacts of climate change and resource scarcity.