Search Climate Insights Directory

The document outlines a hypothetical 'Governance scenario' for Africa, defined by reductions in state failure and corruption, and improvements in democracy and gender empowerment. It argues that such improvements would lead to a significantly larger African economy by 2043, with substantial gains in GDP per capita and a reduction of 45.5 million people living in extreme poverty. The analysis highlights the role of digital technology in implementing efficient cash grant programs as a tool for inclusion, citing Egypt's Takaful and Karama program as an example.

The document introduces Madagascar as a low-income island nation with high biodiversity and significant vulnerability to extreme weather. It details the country's diverse precipitation patterns, its history of colonial rule and political instability—including a 2009 coup—and its current political landscape under President Andry Rajoelina. The text serves as a foundational context for the 'Current Path' development trajectory forecasts produced by the African Futures & Innovation program.

Comoros is a lower-middle-income island state characterized by a tropical climate prone to intense cyclones and a history of political instability. Its economy relies heavily on subsistence farming, fishing, and EU budgetary support, while its development is hindered by frequent coups and the compounding effects of natural disasters and the COVID-19 pandemic.

The report analyzes development scenarios for Comoros, contrasting a 'Current Path' with a 'Combined scenario' of sectoral interventions. It identifies systemic barriers including corruption, poor infrastructure, and climate change, while proposing a comprehensive policy framework focusing on governance, agricultural productivity, human capital, and the mobilization of international finance to reduce poverty and expand the formal economy by 2043.

The report forecasts that sub-Saharan Africa's population will grow to 1.962 billion by 2043, with a significant shift toward urbanization. While regional GDP is projected to increase substantially, reaching between US$6.2 trillion and US$6.7 trillion, GDP per capita growth is tempered by rapid population increases. The region is expected to face increasing food insecurity as agricultural demand outstrips production. Energy production is projected to shift toward renewables, yet total carbon emissions are forecast to rise by over 146% by 2043, with Nigeria expected to overtake South Africa as the region's largest emitter.

The document analyzes remittance flows in Africa, noting that in 2023, gross inflows reached approximately US$90 billion. While remittances provide critical household support and macroeconomic stability, the authors warn of a 'remittance trap' and 'Dutch disease' that can hinder long-term economic growth. The paper highlights the use of diaspora bonds in countries like Ethiopia, Kenya, and Nigeria to fund infrastructure, and forecasts that net inflows to Africa will likely increase to US$94 billion by 2043, although their share of GDP is expected to decline.

The report details systemic gender discrimination in African households, highlighting the prevalence of child marriage, the disproportionate burden of unpaid care work on women, and legal and cultural barriers to equal divorce and inheritance rights.

The report highlights a significant gap between the skills of African graduates and the requirements of the modern job market, particularly in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). It notes that sub-Saharan Africa has low enrollment in vocational programmes compared to global averages, though some countries like Angola perform better. The text argues for a balance between academic and vocational training to support agribusiness and manufacturing, while warning that poor foundational education in sub-Saharan Africa creates a lack of 'readily trainable workers' for the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

The research finds that an aggressive reduction in gender inequality would significantly increase Africa's GDP, GDP per capita, and human development indices by 2043. The most substantial economic gains are projected in the service sector and in regions with currently high gender gaps, such as North and West Africa. Socially, the Gender scenario is forecast to lift millions out of extreme poverty and reduce the number of stunted children by 6 million compared to the Current Path.

The AfCFTA faces significant implementation hurdles due to the extreme economic disparity between member states, which may lead to 'winners and losers' where advanced economies benefit while least developed countries (LDCs) face initial welfare losses. Key challenges include the loss of critical tariff revenues for some governments, weak institutional capacities in LDCs, and limited commitment to the free movement of labour. To mitigate these risks, the agreement employs special and differential treatment, granting LDCs and a specific 'Group of 6' (G6) longer phase-out periods for tariff liberalisation, though the authors argue that additional support from the AU Secretariat and private finance is necessary to bridge the development gap.

The document analyzes Africa's economic trajectory, noting that while the absolute size of the economy is growing, its share of global GDP remains stagnant at around 3% despite a rapidly increasing population. It highlights a widening gap in GDP per capita between Africa and the rest of the world, attributing this to a reliance on raw material exports, the 'resource curse', and a slow recovery from COVID-19. By 2043, Nigeria is projected to become the world's third-largest country by population, and the five largest African economies are expected to be Nigeria, Egypt, South Africa, Ethiopia, and Kenya.

Russia is attempting to leverage historical liberation-era ties and anti-Western rhetoric to maintain influence in Southern Africa, but faces significant constraints. While it maintains security cooperation and diplomatic links with several SADC members, its economic footprint remains modest, accounting for barely 1% of the region's external trade in 2024. The document highlights a gap between Moscow's symbolic gestures—such as debt forgiveness and limited grain shipments—and tangible developmental results, noting that sanctions and economic weakness hinder its ability to compete with China, the EU, and the US.

Since the death of Yevgeny Prigozhin in 2023, Russia has restructured its African security engagements, moving from the high-profile combat deployments of the Wagner Group to a more centralised model controlled by the Kremlin and the GRU. This new approach prioritises 'regime survival' services, including elite protection, training, and intelligence sharing, while expanding covert information warfare through entities like Russia House and the African Initiative. Despite these efforts, Russia's footprint is constrained by the resource demands of its war in Ukraine and risks of 'blowback' from African governments due to human rights abuses and deceptive recruitment schemes like 'Alabuga Start'.

The study finds a substantial disconnect between African climate commitments (NDCs) and national development blueprints (NDPs), with NDCs focusing on climate-centric sectors like energy and forestry while NDPs prioritize economic growth, finance, and the private sector. This 'parallel policy framework' is driven by institutional fragmentation, where NDCs are often externally funded and led by environment ministries, whereas NDPs are domestically anchored and led by economic planning ministries. The authors recommend a 'whole-of-government' approach to embed climate goals into national budgets and development strategies to maximize socio-economic co-benefits.

The report finds that SADC's maritime security governance is fragmented, with a significant disconnect between blue-economy rhetoric and actual security planning. While the 2022 Integrated Maritime Security Strategy (IMSS) represents a normative advance over the 2011 strategy, its implementation remains uneven and under-resourced. Regional coordination is primarily driven by external funding and bilateral initiatives, such as South Africa's Operation Copper, rather than formal SADC mechanisms. The report highlights a structural paradox where SADC's most ocean-dependent members—the island states—are the least embedded in its collective security frameworks, preferring partnerships with the Indian Ocean Commission and external powers like India, France, and the EU.

The report argues that the African Union Commission's reform, which reduced commissioners from eight to six, has led to institutional imbalances where crisis response overshadows conflict prevention. It highlights a significant funding gap for the new structure, costing an additional US$53 million. The document also analyzes the rise of military coups, attributing them to 'democratic subversions' such as the removal of term limits, and discusses the strain on Africa's humanitarian system due to conflict and climate shocks.

The report analyzes maritime security in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO), emphasizing that threats like climate change, illegal fishing, and piracy are interconnected. It highlights the risks of increasing militarisation by global powers and the environmental dangers of rerouting shipping around the Cape of Good Hope due to Red Sea instability.

The document argues that the Southern African Development Community (SADC) can accelerate economic resilience and regional integration by transitioning from fragmented digital systems to a cohesive Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI). While the region has strong foundations in payment systems like RTGS and TCIB, it faces systemic risks from a 'regulatory deficit', specifically the low adoption of the AU Malabo Convention. The authors propose a 'Triple-A' agenda: accelerate the federated e-Know Your Customer (e-KYC) framework to include 3.7 million cross-border nationals, anchor governance using 'techno-legal' safeguards inspired by India's DPI Sutras, and assert a unified global position via the African Digital Compact. The brief emphasizes that technical capacity is not the primary barrier; rather, policy fragmentation and the digital divide—particularly affecting rural populations and people with disabilities—must be addressed to achieve digital sovereignty.

During the UN General Assembly's 80th anniversary, African leaders challenged the traditional aid model, citing a legitimacy crisis driven by funding cuts and coercive conditionality. The document highlights a strategic shift toward 'aid to trade,' domestic fiscal capacity, and the demand for structural reforms in global governance. Key issues include a $4 trillion annual SDG financing gap, unsustainable debt servicing—with Sub-Saharan African countries spending approximately 12% of budgets on debt—and the failure of developed nations to meet climate finance pledges. Proposed solutions include the creation of a G20 Extraordinary Committee of Independent Experts to explore new financing models, the establishment of an African Credit Rating Agency, and the use of the UN's Multidimensional Vulnerability Index to improve access to concessional finance.

The document examines the development of sustainable ocean economies (SOE) in six African SIDS, identifying that while legal frameworks are important, they are not the primary determinant for investors. Instead, funding decisions are driven by political will, a track record of marine preservation, and the presence of trusted in-country partners. The briefing highlights the role of innovative financing, such as blue bonds and debt-for-nature swaps, and emphasizes that regulatory reforms should focus on transparency, stakeholder engagement, and co-management to achieve sustainable development goals.