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Russia is attempting to leverage historical liberation-era ties and anti-Western rhetoric to maintain influence in Southern Africa, but faces significant constraints. While it maintains security cooperation and diplomatic links with several SADC members, its economic footprint remains modest, accounting for barely 1% of the region's external trade in 2024. The document highlights a gap between Moscow's symbolic gestures—such as debt forgiveness and limited grain shipments—and tangible developmental results, noting that sanctions and economic weakness hinder its ability to compete with China, the EU, and the US.

COP30 achieved agreements to triple adaptation finance and launch the Tropical Forest Forever Facility, but failed to formally establish roadmaps for transitioning away from fossil fuels and halting deforestation due to lobbying from petrostates. The summit saw record participation from Indigenous Peoples and significant commitments from 14,000 local governments to reduce emissions.

The paper examines the evolution of EU-Africa relations from the 1975 Lome Convention to the 2020 Comprehensive Strategy with Africa, highlighting a persistent gap between the African Union's goals for industrialisation and the EU's focus on trade and aid. It argues that the EU's preference for market-led growth and its interest in securing raw materials have led to the marginalisation of industrial policy, technology transfer, and skills development in their partnerships. Despite new initiatives like the Africa-Europe Alliance for Sustainable Investment and Jobs, the author notes that foreign direct investment remains concentrated in extractive sectors rather than manufacturing.

The report highlights that while the EU has reduced territorial emissions, it has become a net importer of CO2 emissions since 2015, with a significant portion of its carbon footprint originating outside its borders, particularly from China, Russia, the United States, and India.

The document summarizes a session of the Think2030 Dialogue Sweden focused on climate security and trade. It highlights how changing geopolitical power relations and competition for food, energy, and natural resources are impacting multilateral collaboration on climate and trade. The discussion, framed by Henrik Carlsson, identified global environmental change, geopolitical shifts, and emerging technologies as the primary drivers of change, creating a landscape of interconnected risks and opportunities.

The document examines the risks posed to Africa by the intensifying geopolitical rivalry between the US and China, particularly in the realms of technology, trade, and global supply chains. It argues that Africa is institutionally underprepared for these tensions due to governance deficiencies and its marginal global position, while emphasizing the need for African countries to project agency to secure optimal outcomes amidst a shifting global power structure.

China's engagement in the Middle East is fundamentally driven by the need for energy security, as it imports approximately half of its crude oil from the region. To mitigate vulnerabilities, Beijing utilizes the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to invest in infrastructure and digital technology, while balancing diplomatic ties between Saudi Arabia and Iran. China has recently acted as a mediator in the Saudi-Iran relationship and is expanding its arms trade, offering alternatives to US weapons. Following the escalation of the Israel-Hamas conflict, China has shifted its approach to favor Palestine and Arab states, viewing its ties with Israel as increasingly expendable to better align with the Global South.

The document analyzes the multidimensional relationship between China and West Africa, highlighting significant asymmetries in trade and foreign direct investment. It identifies health cooperation, economic recovery, regional integration, and debt restructuring as primary priorities for the FOCAC 8 summit. The author argues that West African nations should move beyond bilateral opportunism toward a strategic regional approach led by ECOWAS, incorporating non-state actors and civil society to address concerns over transparency, debt sustainability, and environmental impacts.

The report analyzes development trajectories for 14 Southern African countries, forecasting that while GDP is expected to grow, extreme poverty will persist due to rapid population growth and governance challenges. It uses scenario modeling to demonstrate that integrated policy interventions in governance, health, education, and infrastructure can significantly improve regional outcomes, with governance capacity identified as the primary catalyst for economic growth.

The document outlines the evolution of China-Africa relations from early diplomatic ties to a complex modern partnership. It highlights the role of FOCAC as a primary vehicle for cooperation, the shift toward a 'New Normal' characterized by slowing economic growth and commodity price drops, and China's increasing involvement in African peace and security, marking a departure from its traditional 'non-interference' policy.

The research paper assesses the 2014 US-Africa Summit and the 'US strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa', arguing that while economic growth in Africa is rising, democratic governance remains a 'chronic twin-deficit' alongside peace and security. It notes that the rise of emerging powers like China, which saw trade with Africa grow from 'US$3 billion in 2002 to around US$192 billion in 2012', has provided African states with financial alternatives that may 'corrosive impact on the pace of the democratisation agenda'. The author suggests the US should move beyond supporting 'minimalist electoral outcomes' and instead support the African Union's African Peer Review Mechanism and African Governance Architecture to foster robust, accountable institutions.

The document examines the political, economic, and scientific ties between Russia and South Africa, noting a significant imbalance where political coordination is strong but economic and civil society linkages remain underdeveloped. While bilateral trade grew from $138.1 million in 2002 to nearly $1 billion in 2012, the authors argue that the relationship is hindered by a lack of mutual knowledge and limited cultural exchange. Key areas of cooperation include mineral resources, nuclear energy, and aviation, culminating in the March 2013 Joint Declaration on the establishment of a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.

Ambassador-designate Chen Xiaodong describes a shift in China-Africa relations from government-led assistance to market-driven investment and trade. He highlights China's role as Africa's largest trading partner and a primary financier of infrastructure, while proposing new cooperation in the 'Fourth Industrial Revolution' and digital infrastructure. The speech also addresses COVID-19 support, debt relief for African nations, and a rejection of 'debt trap' narratives.

The paper identifies a gap in climate adaptation policy, which typically focuses on domestic, territorial impacts. It proposes a framework for 'indirect impacts'—socio-economic or biophysical effects propagating from one region to another via trade, migration, or hydrological links. An analysis of seven Swedish and European forestry documents reveals that while market-driven outlooks consider global contexts, adaptation-specific policies remain strictly focused on local biophysical changes, ignoring the broader international dimensions of climate risk.