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The document examines the complexities of land tenure in Africa, highlighting the tension between customary and statutory systems. It argues that while formal titling is a long-term goal, the immediate priority should be adapting informal systems to provide legal security, improving state administrative capacity, and addressing gender-based barriers to land ownership to foster economic development and reduce conflict.

The SEI Gender and Social Equity Programme seeks to address knowledge and policy gaps by mainstreaming gender and social equity into the institute's research and technical tools. The programme is structured around three main tasks: developing new research projects with a gender and social equity lens, adapting modelling tools like WEAP and LEAP for social inclusion, and aligning these perspectives across all SEI research and operations. Current initiatives include studying the gender pay gap in Estonia's bioeconomy, analyzing social factors in SMEs' sustainability agendas, and using agent-based modelling to simulate inclusive sustainability pathways for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

A coal mining concession in Kenya's Mui Basin, awarded to Chinese companies, threatens the livelihoods of approximately 100,000 people in Kitui County through large-scale evictions and environmental risks. The project disproportionately affects women, who face health risks from water pollution and limited decision-making power over land. Despite a 2015 court ruling in favor of the government, the court mandated greater community consultation and participation regarding compensation and resettlement.

The Coal Atlas 2015 examines the systemic damage caused by coal extraction and combustion, highlighting its role as a primary driver of global CO2 emissions and its associated health and human rights violations. It analyzes the economic instability of the 'carbon bubble' and the failure of technologies like carbon capture and storage, while documenting the rise of renewable energy and grassroots protests against the coal industry across various nations, including China, India, the US, Russia, and Germany.

The paper argues that the legal distinction between migrant smuggling (facilitating illegal movement for profit) and human trafficking (exploitation) is increasingly blurred in practice, as smugglers often transition into traffickers. It contends that restrictive border controls do not stop migration but instead make smuggling the 'new normal,' increasing migrant vulnerability and profitability for criminal networks. The authors highlight that most irregular migrants successfully reach their destinations despite high risks, and that state efforts to 'demonize' smugglers often serve as political cover for the failure of the global asylum regime.

The paper argues that ecological, financial, and political systems are under increasing pressure, creating a need to integrate 'hard' security (state-centric) with 'human' security (individual and ecosystem well-being). It identifies commonalities between these fields—such as uncertainty, irreversibilities, and multi-stakeholder complexity—and proposes a three-step methodology: context analysis, participatory scenario building, and options appraisal. Case studies demonstrate how water scarcity in the Nile and Euphrates-Tigris basins, climate-driven geophysical changes in the Arctic, and energy-water dependencies in Central Asia create security risks that require integrated governance and investment strategies.

The document examines the governance of Ghana's oil discovery at Cape Three Points in 2007, focusing on the intersection of state management and civil society oversight. It details the legal frameworks established to manage revenues, such as the Ghana Stabilization Fund and Ghana Heritage Fund, while highlighting systemic challenges including political patronage, lack of transparency in the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC), and the 'Dutch Disease' affecting non-oil sectors. The authors emphasize that while civil society organizations (CSOs), particularly the Civil Society Platform on Oil and Gas, have influenced policy and monitoring, they are hampered by funding shortages and technical skill gaps. The paper concludes that strengthening state-civil society cooperation is essential to ensure oil wealth supports sustainable national development rather than fueling corruption or instability.

The author critiques the European Union's current approach to migration, characterizing it as based on myths that criminalize migrants and ignore the systemic links between environmental degradation and displacement. The text argues that North Africa's future depends on moving away from neoliberal models and resource extraction—such as shale gas in Algeria—toward ecological sustainability and democratic stability. It calls for the recognition of 'ecological refugees' and a reduction of the Global North's ecological footprint to address the root causes of migration.

The author critiques the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for focusing on income poverty and development aid rather than structural inequality and the link between social and environmental dimensions. While noting progress in poverty reduction and water access, the text highlights that global inequality is rising and environmental degradation is accelerating due to the consumption patterns of an expanding global middle class. The author asserts that industrialised countries, particularly the European Union, must assume global responsibility by meeting the 0.7% GNI official development assistance target and drastically reducing their per capita CO2 emissions to allow the Global South scope for sustainable development.

The document examines the challenges European Green parties face in reconciling non-violence with the need to protect human rights in conflict zones. It argues for a shift in EU foreign policy from reactive crisis management to a proactive, multilateral approach that prioritizes ecological justice, nuclear disarmament, and the empowerment of civil society. Specific analyses cover the conflicts in Ukraine, Syria, and the Maghreb, as well as the strategic importance of South East Asia.

The document examines the paradox of resource-led growth in sub-Saharan Africa, where windfall revenues from minerals and hydrocarbons often correlate with declining governance and institutional quality. It highlights the negative externalities of extraction and the role of foreign investment in shaping 'elite bargains' between political and business leaders. The author argues that for resource wealth to foster sustainable development, research must focus on reducing commodity concentration, improving institutional accountability, and balancing the trade-offs between extractive growth and climate change mitigation.

The document examines the tension between economic growth driven by extractive industries in the SADC region and the resulting social and environmental harms. It argues that because a shift away from extractive-dependent growth is unlikely to happen immediately, the effective management of this sector is the primary lever for achieving a transition toward inclusive green growth that benefits rural poor populations.

The document examines Russia's transition toward a green economy, noting that while the concept is integrated into official policy, practical implementation lags. It highlights Russia's vast natural capital but criticises its inefficient resource use and extreme reliance on hydrocarbon exports. The author argues that Russia must prioritise energy efficiency and economic diversification to maintain competitiveness and ensure long-term sustainability.

The document examines the role of artisanal gold mining in Zimbabwe as a tool for poverty alleviation and economic growth, while highlighting severe governance failures. It argues that the current state-led approach of criminalisation has failed to address environmental degradation, smuggling, and conflict between artisanal and commercial miners. The authors recommend formalising the sector through clearer land rights, competitive gold pricing to discourage smuggling, and partnerships between small-scale and large-scale operators to improve productivity and environmental compliance.

The paper identifies six primary risk factors for conflict in Mozambique: history of violence and political party dynamics, geographic distribution, poverty and inequality, expectations, corruption, and the cost of extraction. While the authors conclude that full-scale civil war is improbable, they warn of a high likelihood of periodic pockets of violence, particularly in resource-rich regions where political opposition is strong and local populations feel marginalised.

The policy brief argues that market discount rates are unsuitable for evaluating long-term environmental impacts and proposes the 'equivalency principle' to determine social discount rates. This principle assumes that undeveloped and developed land of identical attributes should provide equal utility to future generations. Using a case study of a proposed seaport in Pasaia, Basque Country, the authors demonstrate that applying this principle results in lower, site-specific discount rates (between 0.96% and 3%) that would lead to the rejection of the project, whereas a market rate of 11% would justify it in some scenarios.

The document outlines a three-phase framework for managing artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) in developing countries. Phase 1 focuses on preparation through the creation of a multi-sectoral working group, stakeholder forums, and contextual analysis. Phase 2 involves developing a vision and a management strategy that categorizes ASM operations by type to address specific economic potentials and environmental or social impacts. Phase 3 details the implementation process, including the creation of implementation plans, the provision of technical and financial support to miners, and the establishment of monitoring and evaluation systems.

The document examines the oil industry in South Sudan following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the country's 2011 independence. It argues that oil revenues have been mismanaged by political elites, leading to endemic corruption and a failure to provide basic services to a population where 90% earn less than a dollar a day. The paper details the economic crisis caused by the January 2012 oil production shutdown, the subsequent austerity measures, and the diplomatic pressure from the US and China that led to the resumption of oil flow in 2013.

The document argues that while climate change is unlikely to be the sole direct cause of conflict, it acts as a 'threat multiplier' that intersects with poor political governance and socio-economic vulnerabilities to increase the risk of violence. In the Zambezi basin, this manifests as competition over dwindling water and food supplies, migration-induced tensions, and the manipulation of resource scarcity by political elites. Case studies of Bulawayo and Chinde highlight how chronic water shortages, flooding, and political marginalisation create flashpoints for unrest. The author emphasizes that strengthening Local Adaptive Capacity (LAC) and community resilience through grassroots organisations and traditional governance can mitigate these risks.

The document examines Mozambique's transition from aid dependence to potential resource-based sovereignty following the discovery of over 100 trillion cubic feet of natural gas in the Rovuma Basin. It argues that while the 'gas boom' offers a significant opportunity for poverty alleviation and industrialization, the country faces risks of the 'resource curse' and 'Dutch disease' due to high levels of corruption and a history of 'mega-projects' that have failed to provide broad-based benefits. The author emphasizes the need for transparent governance, the renegotiation of inequitable contracts, and a strategic balance between LNG exports and domestic industrial use to ensure tangible benefits for the general population.