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The document critiques the current global energy system as a product of patriarchal extractivism and capitalism that disproportionately harms women, particularly in the Global South. It warns against 'greenwashing' (maquillaje verde) and 'purplewashing' (maquillaje violeta), where corporations use environmental and gender-equality narratives to mask continued exploitation. The authors advocate for a 'just and feminist energy transition' centered on the sustainability of life, public ownership, and the recognition of care work, rather than market-driven technological fixes.

The report explores the 'Use of Research Evidence' (URE) by policymakers in Africa, focusing on the intersection of CSO research and tax policy. Through case studies in Tunisia, Nigeria, Zambia, and Uganda, it finds that while the technical quality of CSO research is generally high, its influence is primarily determined by non-technical factors such as the timing of engagement, the perceived non-partisan reputation of the CSO, and existing relationships with policymakers. The document provides strategic lessons for CSOs to increase their policy impact and recommendations for funders to better support internal capacity and flexible funding timelines.

The document investigates whether Russia exerts significant influence over African states in the UN Security Council (UNSC) by analyzing voting patterns between 2014 and 2020. It argues that Russia's influence over the A3 is often exaggerated, as statistical evidence shows that African member states remain more aligned with the P3 (US, UK, and France) and are largely independent of Russian vetoes and abstentions. While the A3 have increasingly sought to present unified positions on African peace and security issues, their voting behavior on non-African files shows a declining coincidence with Russian positions over time.

The document investigates whether Russia exerts significant influence over African states in the UN Security Council (UNSC) by analyzing voting patterns between 2014 and 2020. It argues that Russia's influence over the A3 is often exaggerated, as statistical evidence shows little coordination and a trend of increasing divergence. While the A3 are increasingly presenting unified positions on African issues, their voting behavior remains more aligned with the P3 (US, UK, and France) than with Russia. The brief concludes that Russia's role as a 'loud dissenter' has not translated into a strategic alliance with the African grouping.

The Subnational Climate Fund (SnCF), approved by the GCF in 2020 and running through 2028, aims to mobilize USD 750 million to support approximately 40 subnational projects with deal sizes between USD 5 million and 75 million. The fund utilizes a Technical Assistance Facility and USD 150 million in concessional equity from the GCF to attract USD 600 million in commercial equity, targeting subnational governments that lack fiscal autonomy or the ability to borrow from international capital markets. The fund involves 42 countries, including 16 in Africa, and focuses on projects aligned with NDCs that incorporate Nature-based Solutions.

Climate Investor Two is a fund managed by a consortium including Climate Fund Managers and FMO to deploy EUR 160 million from the Dutch Fund for Climate and Development. It utilizes a three-stage financing structure—development, construction, and re-financing—to target water, oceans, and sanitation subsectors. The fund aims to attract institutional investors and local banks into low- and lower middle-income countries by offering investable securities and building local capacity to manage climate project risks. Success depends on a strong ecosystem of project developers, favorable policy environments, and moderate currency stability in target countries.

TCX addresses currency and interest risk in emerging and frontier markets by providing long-term fixed- and inflation-linked cross-currency and interest rate swaps. Since 2013, it has de-risked nearly USD 8.4 billion of external lending across 70 currencies. In 2020, Sub-Saharan Africa was the second most active region, representing 19% of de-risked finance (USD 187 million) across 18 countries. The model relies on high-credit-rated counterparties, such as development finance institutions, to manage credit risk and connect solutions to end-clients. While 70% of 2020 supported financing targeted microfinance and SMEs, infrastructure and renewable energy projects accounted for approximately 6%.

The Abu Rawash Wastewater Treatment Plant project, costing USD 390 million, is funded through a combination of Egyptian government public budget (USD 237 million) and concessional debt from development finance institutions (USD 150 million from AfDB and AGTF). The project aims to enhance adaptive capacity and water supply through infrastructure expansion and institutional support. The document highlights that accessing such concessional finance requires robust climate data, strong sovereign credit ratings, and a supportive policy environment, noting that Egypt is one of six African countries receiving the majority of DFI water adaptation finance.

The document argues that African states must shift from a strategy of blocking new negotiations to one of active participation to avoid becoming 'rule takers' in the global trade system. It specifically recommends narrowing the TRIPS waiver proposal to focus solely on COVID-19 vaccines to secure broader support and suggests that African states prioritize a few key development outcomes from the stalled Doha Round while engaging in Joint Statement Initiatives (JSIs) on e-commerce and investment. The brief also emphasizes the need for the African Union to coordinate common policy positions and the establishment of regional vaccine production hubs in countries like South Africa, Senegal, Algeria, and Tunisia.

The report uses the GSI-IF model to analyze 32 countries, representing 77% of global CO2 emissions, to determine the impact of removing fossil fuel subsidies and implementing a 10% fossil energy tax by 2030. It finds that subsidy reform alone could save nearly USD 3 trillion and abate 5.4 GtCO2e, while combining reform with taxation and sustainable energy investment could increase average emission reductions from 6% to 11.8% by 2030.

The report evaluates Ghana's institutional and private sector readiness for the AfCFTA, which officially commenced trading on 1 January 2021. While the Ghanaian government has established policy frameworks and institutional structures, such as the National AfCFTA Coordinating Office, the report finds that local small and medium enterprises (SMEs) face significant hurdles. Key findings indicate low production capabilities, limited knowledge of the agreement's protocols, and a lack of export certificates among many firms. However, some companies like Kasapreko Company Limited and Ghandour Cosmetics Limited have successfully exported to other African markets. The report recommends the development of a public national strategic plan, increased decentralized stakeholder consultations, and financial strategies to reduce lending interest rates for local industries.

The report analyzes the value chain of wind and solar projects to identify which components are suitable for local production versus global sourcing. It argues that while highly centralized components like solar modules and wind turbines are best imported to keep costs low, significant economic opportunities exist in localizing structures, towers, and electrical subsystems. Through case studies of countries like Mauritius, Namibia, Cambodia, and the Philippines, the report demonstrates how different tariff strategies—ranging from revenue generation to industry protection—impact renewable energy deployment and suggests that international cooperation to reduce trade barriers on environmental goods can accelerate the energy transition.

The report finds that the complete removal of fossil fuel consumption subsidies across 32 modelled countries could reduce greenhouse gas emissions by an average of 6.09% by 2030. When combined with a 'subsidy swap' (reinvesting savings into energy efficiency and renewables) and a 10% energy tax, the average national emission reduction increases to 11.84%. The analysis highlights that while some countries like Venezuela see reductions over 30%, G20 nations provide the largest absolute reductions due to their economic scale. Financially, fossil fuel subsidy reform (FFSR) alone could generate USD 2.99 trillion in cumulative savings by 2030, offering a cost-effective mechanism for a 'green recovery' from the COVID-19 pandemic.

The LEAF Framework is a US$ 959.9 million initiative led by the African Development Bank (AfDB) to expand access to solar home systems, green mini-grids, and commercial and industrial (C&I) solar solutions across six African countries. The program seeks US$ 170.9 million from the Green Climate Fund (GCF) to provide concessional partial credit guarantees, subordinated debt, and technical assistance to de-risk the DRE sector and mobilize local currency financing. Expected impacts include the installation of 386MW of generating capacity, the reduction of 28.8 million tCO2e over the systems' lifetimes, and providing green energy solutions to 1.18 million households and businesses.

The document examines the role of nuclear science and technology in Africa, highlighting the use of 10 research reactors for education and medical/environmental research. It emphasizes the critical need for radiotherapy machines to combat rising cancer rates and the use of nuclear techniques in agriculture to ensure food security and manage zoonotic diseases. The brief outlines the legal framework for peaceful use, including the Pelindaba Treaty and the NPT, and identifies challenges such as public skepticism, financial instability, and safety risks. It recommends expanded continental training and continued cooperation with the IAEA and AFCONE.

The report examines the crisis of missing persons in Africa, documenting nearly 44,000 cases through the ICRC as of 2020. It identifies armed conflict, other situations of violence, and migration as primary drivers, noting that men and children are disproportionately affected. Families face severe psychosocial trauma, economic hardship, and legal hurdles due to a lack of domestic frameworks for declaring absence. The document advocates for the establishment of national information bureaus, improved medico-legal capacity for body identification, and the integration of missing persons into transitional justice processes.

The report synthesizes findings from 49 peer-reviewed articles and 72 distinct analyses to determine what factors drive individuals to aspire to migrate. It employs a two-step model distinguishing between the formation of aspirations and their conversion into actual migration. The review identifies 32 determinants across demographic, socio-economic, individual, contextual, and migration-related domains. Key findings indicate that migration aspirations are most strongly and consistently driven by youth, male gender, the presence of migration networks, a history of international travel, and exposure to violence or insecurity. Conversely, aspirations are consistently lowered by increasing age, higher subjective well-being, and strong social attachment to the community of origin. The document also notes a significant research gap in the 'conversion' phase—how aspirations translate into actual movement—due to the logistical challenges of longitudinal panel data collection.

This research paper by the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) identifies key strategies to accelerate climate change adaptation across Africa. Based on interviews with African scientists and practitioners, the paper advocates for a shift toward locally-led, inclusive solutions that integrate indigenous knowledge with scientific projections. It proposes three primary investment pillars: enhancing people's skills and knowledge, building climate-resilient economies, and investing in nature-based solutions.

The document outlines a strategic framework for accelerating climate adaptation in Africa, emphasizing the integration of indigenous knowledge with scientific data and the need for decentralized finance. It advocates for investing in a climate-smart workforce, resilient water and energy systems, and nature-based solutions to protect biodiversity and human livelihoods.

The study finds that sexual violence in Tahrir Square was more likely to occur during large, static protests and less likely during transient demonstrations. The author identifies a shift from single-perpetrator to multiple-perpetrator assaults, specifically the 'circle of hell' phenomenon, suggesting a learned behavioral pattern or strategy. While the study found no statistically significant link between the specific political aim of a protest (anti-regime or anti-military) and the occurrence of sexual violence in the main model, it highlights the historical use of sexual violence as a tool of repression by the Egyptian state.