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The document identifies the Technical Assistance (TA) Facility for the Global Subnational Climate Fund as a Category I-2 environmental and social safeguards project. It lists target countries across Africa, Asia-Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Mediterranean, and confirms that an Environmental and Social Management System (ESMS) has been disclosed in multiple languages to comply with requirements.

The statement argues that the COVID-19 pandemic has created an urgent need for governments to focus all resources on public health, specifically the procurement of medical supplies, vaccines, and medicines. It calls for the immediate suspension of trade and investment negotiations at the WTO, bilateral, and regional levels, asserting that such activities divert critical resources and personnel. The authors highlight that intellectual property rules under the WTO's TRIPS agreement and free trade agreements may obstruct the affordability and accessibility of life-saving supplies. The document demands the removal of all trade barriers and unilateral sanctions that hinder medical procurement and urges a fundamental rethink of trade rules that encourage monopolies and limit healthcare access.

Friends of the Earth International and a broad coalition of global endorsers call for an immediate cessation of trade and investment treaty negotiations. They argue that governments, particularly in developing and least developed countries, lack the resources to engage in these negotiations while managing the COVID-19 health crisis. The statement demands that trade negotiators focus exclusively on removing obstacles, such as intellectual property rules and unilateral sanctions, that hinder access to affordable vaccines, medicines, and diagnostics.

The research paper examines Turkey's efforts to re-assert regional influence through military and economic engagement in North and East Africa. It highlights Turkey's support for the Government of National Accord (GNA) in Libya, its strategic energy interests in the Mediterranean, and its long-term development and diplomatic presence in the Horn of Africa, particularly Somalia. The text notes the complex interplay between Turkey, Russia, and the EU in managing the Libyan crisis, as well as Turkey's rivalry with a bloc including Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

The report analyzes the services sector's role in African development and the implications of the AfCFTA. It identifies Egypt, Morocco, South Africa, Ghana, and Nigeria as the continent's largest services exporters. The study highlights a significant gap in comprehensive services trade data, particularly for Mode 3 (commercial presence), and recommends implementing the 2010 Manual on Statistics of International Trade in Services. For South Africa, the report finds that services value added in gross exports is more than double the share of services exports, emphasizing the sector's role as an input for manufacturing. It argues for a developmental trade strategy that integrates services with industrial policy and warns against premature deindustrialization.

The document analyzes the energy transition in North Africa, noting that electricity generation must nearly double by 2030 to meet growing demand. While the region is expanding renewable energy capacity and implementing efficiency regulations, natural gas is projected to remain the dominant power source by 2030 unless international financial support and technology transfer accelerate. The author highlights a tension between the region's low historical emissions and its high vulnerability to climate change, warning that insufficient climate finance from developed countries risks the region's ability to meet its Paris Agreement commitments.

The G20 Compact with Africa (CwA) offers a framework for macroeconomic, business, and financial reforms to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), but Zimbabwe has failed to engage with it. Despite the alignment between CwA goals and Zimbabwe's Transitional Stabilisation Programme (TSP), the country is hindered by a lack of genuine reform culture, significant multilateral debt arrears, and a preference for bilateral infrastructure funding from China. Furthermore, there is a profound lack of awareness of the CwA among Zimbabwean policymakers and private sector stakeholders.

The report finds that the EU ETS region is increasingly importing electricity from non-EU neighbors with high carbon intensities, effectively importing emissions and creating 'offshore carbon havens'. In 2019, the EU ETS region imported 26 million tonnes of CO2, with a net import of 20 million tonnes. The authors argue that the disparity in carbon pricing gives a competitive advantage to high-carbon generators in countries like Turkey, Ukraine, and the Western Balkans. To combat this, the report recommends a border carbon adjustment (BCA) on gross electricity imports to protect the integrity of EU climate policy and incentivize decarbonization in neighboring states. It also warns that planned increases in interconnection capacity (31% by 2030) and new coal power projects (up to 57GW) in connected non-EU countries will exacerbate the problem.

The document examines the impact of COVID-19-related food export restrictions on vulnerable importing nations. It identifies high-risk areas in Central Asia, North Africa, the Middle East, and sub-Saharan Africa, noting that many affected countries already suffer from high undernourishment and calorie production deficits. The authors argue that because global food stocks remain plentiful, countries should refrain from banning staple food exports to prevent hunger and potential famines.

The document examines the shortcomings of current border security reforms in North and West Africa, noting that they often ignore the unique needs of borderland communities and the complexity of overlapping security mandates. It recommends a shift toward community consultation, the reduction of military roles in favour of law enforcement, and increased cross-border cooperation between neighbouring states.

The SDG16DI 2020 Global Report argues that official data from National Statistical Offices (NSOs) are often insufficient, unreliable, or unavailable for monitoring SDG16 targets, particularly regarding conflict-related deaths, corruption, and press freedom. It highlights the critical role of 'non-official data'—produced by NGOs and academic institutions—in filling these gaps. The report provides case studies on sex-disaggregated data for violent deaths, trade-related illicit financial flows in developing nations, corruption and vote-buying in Latin America and the Caribbean, and the use of expert-based indices to measure representative decision-making. It also notes that the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated governance challenges while simultaneously reducing the capacity of NSOs to collect data.

The proposed programme aims to protect North African oases from climate change impacts, such as extreme heat, drought, and water scarcity. It focuses on establishing a regional management framework, implementing adaptation and mitigation measures (including solar energy for irrigation), and strengthening stakeholder capacity. The initiative seeks to transition from top-down to bottom-up, participatory decision-making to safeguard biodiversity and rural livelihoods.

The GCF Secretariat report for the period ending 31 August 2019 details progress toward its 2019 goals. Key achievements include the approval of 66 additional funding proposals (public and private) and the signing of 81 Funded Activity Agreements (FAAs), meeting the annual KPI for legal agreements. The Secretariat advanced the first formal replenishment process, with pledges reaching USD 5.9 billion by August 2019. Efforts to strengthen country ownership included technical support for 32 countries' programming and the approval of 61 readiness grants. The report also highlights the development of the 2020–2023 Strategic Plan and the operationalization of a complementarity and coherence framework with other climate funds like the GEF and Adaptation Fund. Challenges remain in the slow disbursement of readiness funds due to delivery partner capacity and the need for further expertise to implement the SEAH Policy.

The report argues that the production of fish meal and fish oil (FMFO) for aquaculture is precipitating the collapse of fish populations and threatening food security in regions like India, Vietnam, and Gambia. It maps supply chains linking unsustainable and often illegal fishing practices to major European retailers and global aquafeed companies, while critiquing the Marine Ingredients Organisation (IFFO) for providing a 'smoke screen' of sustainability through its certifications. The document recommends a transition away from wild-caught fish in aquafeeds toward sustainable alternatives and the cultivation of species that do not require FMFO.

The document is a formal petition by sixteen children from various countries against five states, alleging that their failure to mitigate climate change violates the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. It details specific harms faced by the petitioners—including extreme heat, wildfires, and sea-level rise—and argues that the respondents' current emission pathways are inconsistent with the 1.5°C goal of the Paris Agreement. The petitioners request that the Committee recognize climate change as a children's rights crisis and recommend that the respondent states accelerate mitigation efforts and prioritize the best interests of children.

The document examines the trade-offs for African nations joining the AIIB, noting that while the bank offers a new source of low-cost finance to address an annual infrastructure deficit of $68 to $108 billion, its lack of technical capacity-building and specific instruments for low-income countries outside Asia limits its appeal. It concludes that middle-income African countries are better positioned to benefit from membership than low-income countries.

The document examines how 'migration' and 'development' are defined and measured in quantitative research, highlighting a gap in evidence regarding migration aspirations, failed attempts, and involuntary immobility. It discusses the challenges of establishing causal links due to endogeneity—specifically reverse causality, self-selection, and omitted variables—and evaluates experimental and non-experimental methods to address these biases. The paper advocates for a holistic, multi-dimensional approach to development that moves beyond economic metrics to include social, institutional, and environmental outcomes.

The paper finds that removing fossil fuel subsidies across 26 modeled countries leads to an average 6% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, which increases to 13.2% if combined with a 10% energy tax and reinvestment in renewables and energy efficiency. Globally, the removal of these subsidies is estimated to reduce emissions by 6.4% to 8.2% by 2050. The study highlights that governments save an average of USD 93 for every tonne of CO2e removed through subsidy reform, with total cumulative fiscal savings across the 26 countries reaching USD 2.56 trillion by 2030.

This research paper assesses the impact of removing consumer fossil fuel subsidies by 2025 across 26 countries, finding a simple average GHG emission reduction of 6% by 2030 compared to business as usual. The study argues that while FFSR alone is insufficient to meet Paris Agreement goals, combining it with a 10% energy tax and reallocating 30% of savings into renewable energy and energy efficiency could increase average reductions to 13.2% by 2030. It highlights that FFSR is a cost-effective tool, saving governments an average of USD 93 per tonne of CO2e removed. The paper also reviews the regressive nature of fuel subsidies and advocates for 'subsidy swaps' toward sustainable energy and social safety nets, noting that only 8% of current NDCs explicitly include FFSR.

Between 2016 and 2019, irregular migration from North Africa to Europe increased, characterized by a shift toward direct departures from home countries and a diversifying migrant demographic that now includes more women, children, and university graduates. The report identifies economic pessimism, structural inequality, and political exclusion as primary drivers, further amplified by a social media ecosystem that romanticizes Europe and provides practical smuggling advice. While European states prioritize border hardening, the report argues that such securitized approaches ignore underlying causes and may destabilize North African governments, which view migration as a social safety valve. It recommends transitioning from short-term technical fixes to comprehensive strategic programs addressing the rule of law and structural inequality.