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The research paper examines the role of the Wagner Group and other private military contractors (PMCs) in Africa, highlighting their involvement in human rights abuses, the smuggling of mineral resources to fund the Russian state, and the use of disinformation campaigns to undermine democratic processes and Western influence. It notes that PMCs provide 'plausible deniability' for states to conduct criminal warfare and argues that the African Union's failure to implement existing anti-mercenary frameworks hampers regional peace and security.

The conflict in Sudan, which escalated in April 2023 between General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan's army and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo's Rapid Support Forces (RSF), is driven by a struggle for power and control over resources. This instability threatens regional security, specifically regarding the Nile River dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), and risks destabilising fragile neighbours like Chad and the Central African Republic. Internationally, the crisis intersects with Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 tourism goals and Russia's strategic interests, including a proposed naval base in Port Sudan and gold extraction by the Wagner Group. The author argues that lasting peace requires a long-term approach involving power-sharing and the gradual integration of armed groups into the national army.

The document outlines the interconnected risks of climate change, food insecurity, and national security, specifically focusing on how these factors drive instability in the Horn of Africa. It argues that food insecurity acts as both a byproduct and a driver of conflict, creating opportunities for violent extremist organizations like al-Shabab to gain influence. Using Ethiopia as a case study, the briefing highlights the impact of drought, floods, and interstate disputes over resources, while noting that the U.S. national security strategy recognizes global food systems as being under threat from climate events and geopolitical conflicts.

The paper analyzes the shift in German-African energy relations from a focus on development aid to a complex mix of energy diplomacy, foreign policy, and technical cooperation. It highlights a tension between Germany's goals for a green transition (including hydrogen partnerships) and its strategic interests in diversifying fossil fuel imports. The author critiques 'energy colonialism' and the financialization of projects, recommending that future cooperation be grounded in 'energy justice' and a value-chain approach to ensure local benefits and social standards.

The Horn of Africa faces severe challenges including governance failure, chronic food insecurity, and high poverty rates, with no countries on track to eliminate extreme poverty by 2030. The region is characterized by a very young population and high dependence on rain-fed agriculture, which is increasingly threatened by climate change and conflict. While Ethiopia and Sudan dominate the regional GDP, most nations suffer from poor infrastructure and dysfunctional health and education systems. The report models an 'Integrated Development Push' scenario involving improvements in governance, agriculture, and human capital, which could significantly increase regional GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2040.

The document outlines a comprehensive approach to integrating biodiversity co-benefits into nature-based solutions (NbS) for climate adaptation. It proposes a six-stage implementation cycle—ranging from system understanding and risk assessment to monitoring and learning—and emphasizes the need for a mix of biodiversity, structural, and functional indicators to measure success. The report highlights the importance of traditional knowledge, inclusive governance, and long-term monitoring to avoid socio-ecological trade-offs and ensure the sustainability of adaptation projects.

The report outlines a framework for integrating biodiversity co-benefits into the lifecycle of nature-based solutions (NbS) for climate adaptation. It emphasizes moving beyond simple area-coverage metrics toward indicators of ecosystem functioning and health. The authors advocate for a multidisciplinary approach that integrates Traditional Knowledge, human rights-based frameworks, and inclusive governance to avoid socio-ecological trade-offs. The document provides a step-by-step implementation cycle—from system understanding and risk assessment to monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL)—supported by a list of global standards and technical resources.

The Horn of Africa is characterized by a very young population and high fertility rates, particularly in Somalia. Only Djibouti has currently reached the working-age to dependent ratio necessary to potentially realize a demographic dividend. The region is predominantly rural, with Ethiopia being the most rural and Djibouti the most urbanized. High youth populations combined with limited economic opportunities are identified as contributors to socio-political instability.

The report analyzes the Democratic Republic of Congo's high fertility rates, rapid population growth, and urbanisation trends. It argues that without sound demographic policies to reduce fertility and manage a large youth bulge, the country's population growth will remain a significant obstacle to economic prosperity and human development, delaying the achievement of a demographic dividend until approximately 2060.

The report analyzes multidimensional and income-based poverty across the Horn of Africa, noting that while the region is projected to see a decline in average poverty rates to 12% by 2040, it will fail to meet the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals for eradicating extreme poverty. It highlights severe disparities, with South Sudan and Somalia facing extreme poverty driven by conflict and weak governance, while Ethiopia has shown significant progress in poverty reduction despite ongoing regional conflict.

The health systems of the Horn of Africa are severely strained by conflict, insecurity, and drought, leading to high rates of malnutrition and maternal and child mortality. While life expectancy has generally increased, the region struggles to meet SDG targets, with a dual burden of persistent communicable diseases and steady rates of non-communicable diseases and injuries.

The document argues that climate change adaptation projects in fragile and conflict-affected countries can either increase or reduce conflict risks depending on their design. It notes that while major donors recognize the link between conflict and project implementation, conflict risks are not yet systematically considered in project design and evaluation. Based on an analysis of four projects in Sudan, the brief recommends a three-step approach to facilitate the consideration of conflict risks throughout the project lifecycle, including monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) stages.

The document reports that 2022 was the deadliest year for state-based conflicts in Africa since 1989, primarily due to the war in Ethiopia. While non-state conflicts are the most common type of conflict in the region, they have generally been less severe in terms of battle-related deaths than state-based conflicts. The brief also highlights a worrying trend of one-sided violence by governments and a series of military coups in Central and West Africa between 2020 and 2023.

The document analyzes Turkey's 'niche diplomacy' in Africa, focusing on its 'Ankara consensus' for development aid, its growing role as an arms exporter (particularly drones), and its trade relations. It highlights a distinction between North African and Sub-Saharan African perceptions of Turkey, noting that while Turkey is seen as a non-colonial partner, its overall trade and aid volumes remain modest compared to major global powers. The brief suggests that Turkey's influence is currently driven more by its status as a rising donor than as a primary trading partner.

President Sauli Niinistö emphasizes that the world is facing a series of interlocking crises—including climate change, food insecurity, and the war in Ukraine—that cannot be solved by any single nation. He highlights the disproportionate impact of climate change on African countries and commits Finland to increasing international climate finance for developing nations. Niinistö also discusses Finland's decision to join NATO as a security measure in response to Russian aggression in Ukraine, while advocating for a just peace for Ukraine and the importance of African leadership in global governance.

The report evaluates the AU PSC's efforts to integrate youth into peace processes via the WiseYouth network and argues for a community-centred approach to the Sahel strategy to address inter-communal rivalries. It examines the 24-month transition in Guinea, emphasizing the need for regional ownership and inclusive electoral reforms. Additionally, it analyzes the conflict between the SAF and RSF in Sudan, warning that a lack of regional consensus and a proliferation of parallel peace processes may prolong the crisis. Finally, it outlines Uganda's priorities for the PSC chairship in May 2023, specifically regarding the AU-EU partnership.

The document analyzes Russia's strategic pivot toward Africa as a means to diversify partners and evade Western sanctions following the invasion of Ukraine. It identifies three primary pillars of engagement: economic interests in mining, energy, and agriculture; geopolitical efforts to undermine Western influence in the Sahel and Mediterranean; and the promotion of multipolarity to challenge US-led unipolarity. While Africa is described as a 'policy tool' rather than a central priority, Russia leverages its lack of colonial history and non-conditional military support to gain influence among African states.

The document argues that Israel's ambition to expand the Abraham Accords, particularly to Saudi Arabia, has been thwarted by a combination of far-right domestic policies and Saudi Arabia's strategic pivot toward normalization with Iran, Syria, and Hamas. While existing agreements with states like the UAE remain economically robust, the brief notes that the current Israeli government's actions in the West Bank and its judicial reforms have strained relations with the US and Jordan, while removing the primary incentive for Saudi engagement.

The document analyzes how host governments treat foreign rebel groups, finding a global trend toward increased suppression and decreased support since the mid-1990s. It identifies leadership transitions and US-led 'naming and shaming' after 9/11 as primary drivers of anti-rebel cooperation. The analysis concludes that joint counterinsurgency operations are more effective at destroying rebel bases than unilateral actions.

The LUCI tool provides a five-step analytical framework to identify unintended consequences of development interventions by mapping the overlap between identity groups and impact groups. It emphasizes 'horizontal inequalities'—group-based disparities related to gender, ethnicity, or class—and how these can be exacerbated by poorly planned projects, leading to 'maladaptation' or increased conflict potential. The guide demonstrates the tool's application through a case study of solar hybrid mini-grid projects in Turkana County, Kenya, illustrating how access to electricity can create differential benefits and losses across various social and economic groups.