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The report traces the history of international climate policy, highlighting the shift from the 'top-down' prescriptive approach of the Kyoto Protocol to the 'bottom-up' voluntary system of the Paris Agreement. It examines the central role of the 'common but differentiated responsibilities' (CBDR) principle and the challenges of ensuring the participation of major emitters while maintaining equity for developing nations. The text concludes that while the regime has grown in complexity and universality, current collective emission reduction promises remain insufficient to limit global warming to 1.5°C or 2°C.

The document analyzes the shift toward concrete Climate-related Trade Measures (CTMs), such as carbon border adjustment mechanisms and deforestation regulations, and how these are being addressed within the WTO and UNFCCC. It highlights key concerns regarding transparency, interoperability, and the impact on developing nations, while positioning the WTO's MC14 as a critical moment for consolidating these discussions.

The paper examines four regime options for a post-2012 climate framework: maintaining targets with flexibility mechanisms (broadening the CDM scope), differentiating developing country eligibility, implementing an expanded CDM (sectoral/NAMA approaches), and establishing a fund-based mechanism. It analyzes how these options affect the 'development dividend' across three dimensions: quality (sustainable development benefits), quantity (volume of Certified Emission Reductions), and regional distribution (investment in least developed countries). The authors conclude that while a fund-based mechanism best addresses quality and equity, it may struggle to match the investment volumes of private-sector market mechanisms. Conversely, expanding the CDM scope could flood the market with cheap credits, potentially crashing prices unless accompanied by ambitious emission reduction targets in developed nations.

The document analyzes the responses of ASEAN nations to US tariffs imposed in April 2025. Most members, including Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam, have prioritized negotiation over retaliation due to high export dependence on the US market. Strategies include individual bilateral discussions, a coordinated regional response led by Malaysia (the 2025 ASEAN chair), diversification via the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and BRICS, and internal economic support packages, such as Thailand's 15 billion USD stimulus.

The authors call on WTO members to finalize the 'Fish 2' negotiations and ratify 'Fish 1' to combat overfishing. They highlight that current subsidies of USD 22 billion annually drive unsustainable fishing, primarily benefiting industrial fleets, and argue that the upcoming UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3) provides a critical opportunity to accelerate these multilateral efforts.

The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) is a flexible economic initiative involving the United States and 13 other nations, organized around four pillars: connected, resilient, clean, and fair economies. Unlike traditional free trade agreements, IPEF avoids tariff liberalization, which has led to criticisms regarding the lack of U.S. concessions and concerns over the long-term commitment of partners like India. Early ministerial meetings have highlighted tensions over the adoption of high standards, with countries such as Malaysia and Japan requesting transition periods, while the U.S. focuses on digital standards and industrial decarbonization as key areas of influence.

The Fourth Conference of the Parties (COP-4) in Buenos Aires resulted in the 'Buenos Aires Plan of Action,' a work program with deadlines to resolve six key issues necessary for the Kyoto Protocol's implementation. While the talks were characterized by deadlock and high-level closed-door negotiations, significant developments included a breakthrough in Global Environment Facility (GEF) funding for developing countries and Argentina's decision to voluntarily commit to greenhouse gas emission reductions. However, deep divisions remained regarding the capping of Kyoto mechanisms and the formalization of technology transfer.

The research project examined SD strategies in 19 countries and the European Union, concluding that while innovations exist in strategy types and participation, no country has achieved a truly strategic approach due to fragmented management cycles and weak feedback processes. Key findings highlight that SD strategies often remain peripheral to national budgeting and struggle with 'the administrative trap' of vertical government structures. The document identifies four main strategy types: comprehensive and multi-dimensional, cross-sectoral, sectoral, and integration into existing planning. Specific innovations are noted, such as Sweden's environmental tax shifting and Switzerland's constitutional elevation of sustainable development to a national goal.

The document details the transition of public finance institutions away from fossil fuel investments, highlighting the role of G20 governments and multilateral development banks in implementing restrictions on coal, oil, and gas financing to align with the Paris Agreement.

The briefing examines the Green Climate Fund's (GCF) potential to address the lack of gender-responsiveness and the bias toward large-scale mitigation in international climate finance. It highlights the specific vulnerabilities of poor rural women in Sub-Saharan Africa and calls for the GCF to implement operational modalities that ensure equitable access to funding and gender-disaggregated data for policy making.

The Western Cape is currently caught in a middle-income trap, characterized by slow GDP per capita growth and significant inequality in access to basic services. The document evaluates three scenarios: an 'Inclusive Economy' focusing on basic services and education, a 'Vibrant Economy' focusing on high-level skills and business environment, and an 'Enterprising Cape' which combines both. The analysis finds that while isolated interventions provide some gains, a comprehensive approach is necessary to significantly raise GDP per capita, improve the Human Development Index (HDI), and accelerate the transition to high-income status by the mid-2030s.

The report identifies 'coronavirus profiteers' across the meat, auto, airline, logging, and fossil fuel industries who lobbied for deregulation and subsidies during the pandemic. It contrasts these with 'climate heroes'—including certain European automakers, EU leadership, and specific palm oil companies—who continued to pursue emissions reductions and forest protection. The text emphasizes that weakening environmental protections, such as allowing deforestation and air pollution, increases public health vulnerability to respiratory diseases and future pandemics.

The research argues that terrorism creates a 'window of opportunity' for military actors to increase their political influence without seizing full state control. It identifies two primary mechanisms: a 'pulling' effect, where civilian authorities demand military expertise to combat threats, and a 'pushing' effect, where the military exploits informational advantages to advance its own interests. Using global panel data from 1984 to 2004, the authors find that both actual domestic terror attacks and the perceived probability of aggregate terrorism are positively associated with higher levels of military involvement in politics.

The document analyzes the strategic importance of Myanmar's offshore natural gas reserves, particularly the Shwe field, in the context of energy security for China, India, and Thailand. It details how the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) utilizes these resources to secure foreign investment and military aid, thereby undermining Western sanctions and delaying democratic reforms. The text highlights a specific rivalry between China and India over pipeline routes, noting China's success in securing a pipeline to Kunming and its broader strategic goal of bypassing the Strait of Malacca. Additionally, it examines the role of other regional actors and the regime's efforts to diversify its dependencies through cooperation with Russia and South Korea.

The Handbook on Governance Statistics, developed by the Praia Group, establishes a framework for measuring governance through eight dimensions: non-discrimination and equality, participation, openness, access to and quality of justice, responsiveness, absence of corruption, trust, and safety and security. It emphasizes a Human Rights-Based Approach to Data (HRBAD) and advocates for the use of triangulated data sources, including administrative records, household surveys, and expert assessments. The document provides specific recommended indicators, many aligned with SDG 16, and offers technical guidance on mitigating biases in subjective measurements of trust, responsiveness, and corruption.

The document analyzes the 'East Asian Peace', a significant reduction in battle deaths in East Asia between 1980 and 2005 compared to the 1946–1979 period. The author argues that this peace was not the result of a single event but a series of staggered political transitions across the region. Key drivers identified include a shift in leadership priorities toward export-driven economic growth and a strategic alignment with the United States. The paper contrasts this with the 'European Peace', noting that the East Asian case does not fit the liberal peace model due to a lack of widespread democratization and political integration.

The study finds that autocratic regimes are systematically associated with higher levels of industrialization, measured by railway freight, energy consumption, and manufacturing value added. The authors attribute this to three mechanisms: the narrow social bases of autocracies (which benefit industrial elites), heightened security concerns (driving military-industrial capacity), and the availability of coercive policy tools to override opposition to dislocating industrial reforms.

The report asserts that existing production and export capacities are sufficient to meet global fossil gas demand, which is expected to peak before 2030. It highlights that demand declines in developed economies, such as the EU, Japan, and South Korea, will offset potential increases in emerging economies. The document concludes by calling for financial institutions to halt all support for fossil gas expansion, including new gas fields and LNG export terminals.

The document critiques the ECB's climate roadmap as insufficient and proposes a comprehensive set of recommendations to align the bank's operations with the Paris Agreement. It advocates for replacing 'market neutrality' with a climate-aligned benchmark, decarbonising the collateral framework and asset purchases, and adjusting refinancing operations like TLTROs to penalise carbon-intensive lending. Additionally, it calls for the integration of climate risks into internal credit ratings and the implementation of stricter prudential capital requirements (Pillar I and II) for fossil fuel exposures to ensure financial stability and support the EU's low-carbon transition.

Two years after the Paris financial center committed to coal exit strategies, Reclaim Finance finds a mixed record. While 24 of 54 analyzed actors have robust policies, others lack them entirely or have significant gaps, such as failing to exclude coal developers or lacking clear exit dates. Major banks like BNP Paribas, Société Générale, Crédit Agricole, and Natixis remain under scrutiny for continuing to support coal companies without credible transition plans.