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The report finds that most people in Britain do not distinguish between climate adaptation and mitigation, preferring a 'both/and' approach to tackling climate change. While technical terms like 'climate adaptation' and 'climate resilience' have low clarity and approval ratings, people strongly support concrete measures such as better flood defences and home insulation. The document emphasizes that framing adaptation as a way to improve lives and restore the balance between people and nature is most effective, while warns that a singular focus on adaptation can be perceived by some as 'giving up' on addressing the causes of climate change.

Analysis by Zero Carbon Analytics indicates that consecutive climate extremes in the UK—including the 2022 drought, the 2023/2024 wet winter, and the 2025 drought—have repeatedly driven up farmgate lamb prices. The 2023/2024 wet winter had the most significant impact, increasing prices by an estimated 25%. For the 2.6 million UK households that regularly purchase lamb, these events added up to GBP 168 to their grocery bills. The report highlights a 'climate premium' on traditional Easter lamb roasts since 2023, with price increases ranging from 7% to 21%. The findings suggest that while biological grass systems show some recovery, the market buffer of hay stocks has been progressively depleted, increasing the sensitivity of prices to new climate shocks.

The document details an Iranian-linked information operation, Storm-2035, that deployed four X accounts impersonating Northern Irish residents between August 2024 and February 2026. These accounts used AI-generated content and 'hashtag hijacking' to promote Irish reunification and narratives supportive of the Iranian regime and Palestine. Despite low engagement, the operation demonstrates Ireland's vulnerability to foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI), particularly as it prepares for the EU presidency in 2026.

The author contends that UN Security Council Resolution 2803, which endorses a US-led plan for Gaza, is a 'recipe for further conflict' due to its lack of local legitimacy. The plan proposes a Board of Peace (BoP) for governance and an International Stabilization Force (ISF) for disarmament, but the author argues these will be viewed as instruments of occupation. Drawing on comparisons with successful disarmament in Colombia, Northern Ireland, and South Africa, the text asserts that security reform requires local ownership and a political resolution—specifically Palestinian statehood—rather than external imposition.

The document argues that UK local authorities have a solid legal foundation under the Road Traffic Regulation Act 1984 to implement weight- or size-based parking tariffs for SUVs. It highlights that SUVs increase fatality risks for pedestrians and cyclists, contribute more to air pollution via tyre and brake wear, and cause greater road surface damage. To avoid legal challenges, the briefing advises councils that such charges must be justified by traffic management and safety goals rather than revenue generation, and must be supported by robust public consultation.

The author critiques the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda for its failure to move beyond rhetorical commitments to substantive protection and inclusion. While acknowledging its role in elevating conflict-related sexual violence, the paper argues that the agenda's focus on penetrative rape has occluded other gender-based harms, such as obstetric and structural violence. It further highlights the marginalization of women in formal peace negotiations and the failure to account for colonial causality. The author proposes a shift toward 'everyday peace'—focusing on the long-term, grassroots conditions of survival and tolerance—to ensure a more inclusive and sustainable peace that addresses the needs of all women, particularly those from marginalized ethnic and racial backgrounds.

Anti-migrant mobilisation in Ireland has shifted from localised protests to a structured, cross-border movement. This evolution is marked by tactical collaboration between Republic-based nationalist activists and Northern Irish Loyalist networks, overriding historical sectarian divisions. The movement is further amplified by British far-right groups, North American influencers, and Russian-aligned propaganda outlets, which integrate local incidents into global 'Great Replacement' narratives and transnational far-right discourse.

In June 2025, Northern Ireland experienced eight nights of violent unrest, centered in Ballymena, targeting Roma and Romanian migrants following an alleged sexual assault. Social media platforms, particularly Facebook, TikTok, and YouTube, were used to spread hate speech, doxx the locations of families seeking shelter, and livestream violence for profit. The report argues that platforms failed to mitigate these risks in real-time, potentially violating the UK's Online Safety Act (OSA), and calls for a coordinated government response to bridge online and offline risk monitoring.

Analysis of U.K. Met Office data from 1970-2024 shows that spring is the fastest-warming season for the U.K. as a whole, all four constituent nations, and all six climate districts in England. While all seasons have warmed by at least 1°C across the four nations, spring temperatures for the U.K. overall increased by 1.8°C, with England experiencing the highest increase at 2°C. This warming contributes to ecological mismatches, such as flowers blooming up to a month earlier, and increases risks to agriculture and human health.

The document analyzes the prevalence and composition of DDR provisions in 289 peace agreements between 1975 and 2021. It finds that while DDR components are increasingly common, they are rarely implemented as a complete package, with disarmament being the most frequent provision. The brief highlights the critical role of third-party actors, particularly the UN, in supporting comprehensive DDR efforts, and notes a severe lack of explicit provisions for women and child ex-combatants despite international norms.

The document argues that the GWP* metric allows major methane polluters to claim climate neutrality or "no additional warming" by merely stabilising emissions rather than eliminating them. It details how this approach is being embedded into the policies of New Zealand and Ireland, promoted by industry lobbies in Germany and the UK, and pushed by researchers and trade bodies in Brazil ahead of COP30. The author contends that government-linked research bodies are providing a "veneer of scientific legitimacy" to these industry-driven narratives to weaken national and international climate ambitions.

The 2025 Impact Report details the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative's progress in securing diplomatic support, engaging subnational governments, and conducting research to create a 1.5ºC-aligned mechanism for phasing out fossil fuels. Key achievements include the announcement of the First International Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels for April 2026, the addition of Cambodia and Saint Kitts and Nevis to the participating nations, and a resolution in support of the treaty passed by the IUCN. The initiative has grown to include 18 participating countries from the Global South, over 140 cities, and 4,200 civil society organizations.

The analysis finds that climate change has increased the number of winter days with minimum temperatures above 0°C across the United Kingdom, with a national average of 11 additional days per year. England experienced the highest increase with 12 additional days, followed by Scotland and Wales with 10, and Northern Ireland with 8.

The United Kingdom plans to introduce a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) in 2027 to prevent carbon leakage as free allowances under its Emissions Trading System (ETS) are phased out. While similar to the EU CBAM, the UK version will cover ceramics and glass but exclude electricity, and it will lack a transition period. The report highlights risks including potential trade diversion, administrative burdens for exporters, and diplomatic tensions with developing nations who view such measures as 'environmental colonialism'. It suggests that the UK would benefit from mirroring the EU's reporting systems and exploring the linkage of their respective ETSs to reduce bureaucratic friction and economic risk.

The document provides an overview of Northern Ireland Related Terrorism (NIRT), tracing the conflict from the 1921 partition and 'The Troubles' to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. It details the ideologies and activities of proscribed dissident Republican groups (such as the New IRA and CIRA) and Loyalist paramilitaries (including the UVF and UDA). The guide also highlights the role of social media in amplifying sectarian hate, the emergence of anti-immigrant and anti-LGBTQ+ mobilisations, and the impact of foreign disinformation campaigns in exacerbating domestic divisions.

The document describes natural gas as a fossil fuel primarily composed of methane, a potent greenhouse gas. It details the process of hydraulic fracturing (fracking) and its negative consequences, including the contamination of millions of litres of clean water, the triggering of earthquakes, and the release of harmful air pollutants like VOCs and PM2.5. In British Columbia, the expansion of the LNG industry is noted to threaten Indigenous lands and water sources, such as the Wedzin Kwa river. The text asserts that methane is responsible for one-third of global warming and that 'renewable natural gas' is a form of greenwashing. It concludes by calling for a moratorium on new fracking permits and a transition away from methane for heating and cooking.

The document outlines the environmental and health risks associated with hydraulic fracturing (fracking) and methane gas, highlighting the disproportionate impact on Indigenous communities in British Columbia and the role of methane in global warming.

The document assesses the contemporary UK landscape of hate and extremism, highlighting a shift toward 'hybridised' threats where ideological boundaries blur and online ecosystems drive real-world violence. It identifies the extreme right as the most dynamic threat, particularly among youth, while noting that Islamist extremism remains the dominant terrorism threat. The report also details the rise of anti-LGBTQ+, anti-migrant, and antisemitic hate, often amplified by international conflicts and hostile state actors from Russia, Iran, and China. To counter these, the authors propose a unified policy framework that integrates social cohesion, a rights-based definition of extremism, and a public health model of violence prevention, moving away from siloed counter-terrorism approaches.

The MAPS dataset provides survey data from over 12,000 respondents across 16 'Programs for Development with a Territorial Focus' (PDET) regions in Colombia. Comparing data from 2019 and 2021, the study finds that while overall support for the peace agreement increased over time, perceptions of security deteriorated and satisfaction with the implementation of specific provisions generally declined. The authors argue that the dataset's regional representativity reveals variations in support and trust that are often obscured in nationally-representative surveys.

The document argues that EU and UK governments have failed to protect public health by not holding auto manufacturers accountable for illegal defeat devices. It proposes three main pillars of action: identifying and correcting the use of these devices through manufacturer-funded retrofits, establishing a 'Dieselgate Clean Up Fund' paid for by industry to accelerate the transition to zero-emission vehicles, and adopting more robust clean air laws and emissions standards, including an ambitious Euro 7 standard and a phase-out of new petrol and diesel vehicles by 2030 for cars and vans.