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The briefing argues that ExxonMobil's climate strategy lacks the transparency and ambition required to align with a 1.5°C pathway. It finds that the company's projected 2030 oil and gas production levels significantly exceed IEA NZE requirements, while its financial allocations remain heavily skewed toward fossil fuels with no reported investments in renewable power generation.

The resurgence of the M23 rebel movement since late 2021 has displaced 600,000 people and heightened tensions between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda. The author argues that current regional efforts—including the East African Community (EAC) Regional Force, the Nairobi Process, and the Luanda Process—are insufficient because they treat symptoms rather than the root causes of instability. The paper recommends a high-level regional political process led by the AU and UN to address long-term drivers of conflict and rebuild trust between the DRC, Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi.

The paper analyzes the growth of civic tech in southern Africa, identifying a strong concentration of initiatives in South Africa and a primary focus on democracy and governance. It explores two diverging pathways: civic tech as a government partner or as an independent, community-driven tool for development. The authors highlight significant barriers, including the digital divide, funding instability, and adversarial relationships between governments and tech innovators, while recommending sustainable funding models and increased digital literacy for public officials.

Kenya is characterized as a medium economic transformer with an ATI score of 28.1 in 2020. While the country shows strengths in economic diversification and human well-being, it faces challenges in productivity increases and export competitiveness. The manufacturing sector has shrunk due to a lack of strategic investment and climate-related declines in agricultural output. Despite these challenges, Kenya has seen significant improvements in technology upgrading and a substantial reduction in the gender gap within formal sector employment.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) was established in 2003 to promote good governance through peer reviews and National Programmes of Action. While it has expanded to 43 member states and seen a leadership-driven turnaround under CEO Prof Eddy Maloka since 2016, the mechanism faces challenges including slow throughput, delayed publication of reports, and a lack of progress in governance outcomes. Data from the Ibrahim Index of African Governance and Afrobarometer suggest that governance on the continent has remained steady or declined despite the APRM's efforts.

The report evaluates grievance mechanisms across various carbon market standards and funds, using UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights as a benchmark. It finds that most voluntary carbon market (VCM) standards have opaque or insufficient mechanisms, while the Green Climate Fund (GCF) and Gold Standard provide more robust models. The authors recommend that the Article 6.4 mechanism prioritize accessibility, transparency through public repositories, independence, and the ability to provide binding remedies, including the power to overturn Supervisory Body decisions.

The document examines the constraints of the current international finance architecture for Africa, noting that between 2016 and 2020, the continent received only $19.5 billion in climate funding against annual adaptation needs of $30-50 billion. It proposes that the G20 can bridge this gap by developing green finance taxonomies, promoting risk sharing through multilateral development bank guarantees, and facilitating carbon pricing. The author advocates for the use of debt-for-climate swaps to alleviate debt burdens while funding nature conservation and the expansion of Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), citing the South African model. Additionally, the paper highlights the role of natural gas as a transition fuel and the importance of investing in the AFOLU sector, which contributed 56% of Africa's total emissions in 2016.

The document examines how African nations have navigated the Russia-Ukraine war, highlighting a preference for non-alignment driven by historical grievances with Western leadership and strategic national interests. It details the varied voting patterns of African states at the UN General Assembly, the potential for Africa to fill Europe's energy gap through gas and critical minerals, and the risks posed by great-power competition to regional security, particularly in the Sahel.

The document analyzes Russia's strategic pivot toward Africa as a means to diversify partners and evade Western sanctions following the invasion of Ukraine. It identifies three primary pillars of engagement: economic interests in mining, energy, and agriculture; geopolitical efforts to undermine Western influence in the Sahel and Mediterranean; and the promotion of multipolarity to challenge US-led unipolarity. While Africa is described as a 'policy tool' rather than a central priority, Russia leverages its lack of colonial history and non-conditional military support to gain influence among African states.

The document highlights a shift in African gas extraction toward countries that have not historically exploited fossil fuels, noting that 84 percent of new pre-production reserves are located in recent entrants. It argues that these developments, largely destined for export, will increase gas production by a third by 2030 but will fail to address local electrification needs while exacerbating climate change and environmental risks.

The document analyzes the role of women in Mozambique's conflicts and the subsequent DDR processes. It contrasts the 1992 program, which largely ignored female combatants, with the 2019 program, which expanded benefits to families and communities but still excluded women from the design and negotiation phases. The authors argue that failing to include female ex-combatants as active agents in peace processes undermines the transformative potential of DDR and risks exacerbating gender inequalities.

The report examines how developed nations are adopting 'climate-justified' protectionist measures, specifically the EU's CBAM and the US's IRA, which depart from previous neoliberal trade doctrines. It argues that these unilateral policies threaten African economic growth and industrialisation by creating market barriers and restricting policy space. The author suggests that Africa should oppose the CBAM, leverage the US's use of localisation to justify its own local content requirements, and campaign for the treatment of green technologies as global public goods through the reform of TRIPS rules.

The document analyzes the complexities of African sovereign debt contracts, highlighting power imbalances in negotiations, the risks of non-disclosure clauses, and the dangers of collateralizing public assets. It argues for the development of Africa-specific model contracts and the inclusion of flexible clauses to handle crises, such as climate-resilient debt clauses, to protect the interests of African citizens and governments.

The report documents diverse community-led climate adaptation efforts across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, emphasizing the role of ecosystem restoration, circular economies, and gender equality. It highlights that while local actors are innovative and entrepreneurial, they are often hindered by rigid top-down funding requirements, lack of land tenure, and systemic inequalities. The document advocates for a paradigm shift in climate finance toward patient, predictable, and accessible funding that recognizes the holistic needs of vulnerable populations, including their psychosocial well-being and human rights.

The Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) is seeking concept notes for projects in Africa that leverage local and indigenous knowledge for climate resilience. Up to five projects will be selected for grants of up to $150,000 over a maximum of three years. Projects must align with themes such as gender equality, social inclusion, resilience financing, ecosystem-based approaches, climate knowledge, and youth empowerment. Priority is given to organisations founded and led within Africa, with a strong emphasis on locally-led adaptation and the inclusion of marginalised groups.

The report finds that majorities in all 73 surveyed low-emission areas have experienced extreme weather, with unusually hot weather being the most common hazard. Most respondents attribute these events to climate change, yet significant gaps in individual and household preparedness exist, particularly in South America and Europe. Recovery times vary widely, with some populations in Central Asia and the Balkans expecting recovery to take a year or more.

The report argues that nature-based solutions (NbS) and carbon offsetting schemes often serve as a facade for corporate polluters to continue emitting while facilitating land grabbing and violating human rights. It provides numerous case studies across Africa, Asia-Pacific, Europe, and the Americas, highlighting systemic issues such as inflated carbon baselines, lack of free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC), and the failure of projects to deliver promised climate or social benefits. The document specifically critiques REDD+ projects, industrial tree plantations, and soil carbon programs for their lack of 'additionality' and their role in undermining food sovereignty and indigenous land rights.

The document argues that nature-based solutions (NBS) and carbon offsets often serve as a distraction for 'Big Polluters' to continue emitting while facilitating land grabs and violating Indigenous rights. It provides detailed evidence of inflated carbon baselines, lack of additionality, and social harms across Africa, Asia Pacific, Europe, Latin America, and North America. Key examples include REDD+ projects in Zimbabwe and Gabon that overestimated carbon savings, and soil carbon initiatives in the US and Kenya that threaten food sovereignty and traditional livelihoods. The report also critiques improved cookstove offsets for using flawed accounting to generate 'fake emission cuts'.

The document assesses the attractiveness of South Africa's green economy manufacturing market, detailing policy frameworks, electricity costs, labour laws, and tax systems. It highlights significant opportunities in renewable energy, water infrastructure, and sustainable agriculture, while identifying critical bottlenecks such as load shedding, policy inconsistency, and skills shortages.

The report outlines the transition of South Africa's automotive industry toward electric vehicles, highlighting key opportunities in public transport, micro-mobility, private passenger vehicles, and lithium-ion cell manufacturing. It emphasizes the pressure from the European Union's 2035 ban on internal combustion engine vehicles to drive local production and the role of South Africa's mineral reserves in the battery value chain.