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The document analyzes how African foreign policy is shaped by a persistent state of economic and military weakness, leading to a high dependency on external aid. This dependency often compromises national sovereignty and links domestic governance to international relations. The author identifies a strong continental preference for multilateralism and collective action—exemplified by the African Union and NEPAD—as a means to counterbalance Western influence and resist external domination. However, the paper notes that this collective approach is often hampered by a lack of political will, the influence of individual leaders, and the persistence of illiberal governance. It also highlights a shift in ideological frameworks, with many African states moving away from state-led development toward market-based systems and increased engagement with global investors, particularly China.

The document argues that achieving an annual improvement of nearly 2 percentage points in water and sanitation access across Africa would significantly reduce child malnutrition and infant mortality, increase GDP, and lower the probability of state failure. It identifies that such progress requires an additional public investment of nearly US $35 billion over 40 years, primarily targeting sanitation. The analysis highlights that success in this sector is driven by public policy, institutional management, and finance rather than technology, citing examples from Burkina Faso and Ethiopia.

This policy brief argues that climate change hinders the achievement of development goals by disproportionately affecting the 'climate-vulnerable poor'. It calls for the integration of poverty reduction and adaptation strategies, a stronger evidence base on climate-poverty links, and a cautious approach to mitigation that prioritizes developmental co-benefits.

The policy brief examines the intersection of climate change and poverty reduction, highlighting how climate instability undermines Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. It advocates for a shift from treating adaptation and development as separate entities toward a 'climate-resilient development' approach. The author emphasizes the need for evidence-based, country-led policies that prioritize the most vulnerable and suggests that mitigation efforts should only be pursued when they offer clear co-benefits for poverty reduction and adaptation.

The document highlights how climate change undermines development goals and poverty eradication, specifically in Sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that the artificial distinction between adaptation and development must be removed in favor of climate resilience. The author calls for a stronger evidence base on climate-poverty links, the integration of adaptation into national poverty reduction strategies, and a cautious approach to mitigation that prioritizes developmental co-benefits over high opportunity costs.

The report examines a sample of nine climate risk screening and assessment tools used by bilateral/multilateral donors and international NGOs. It categorizes adaptation tools into process guidance, data provision, and knowledge-sharing types, noting a dichotomy between top-down, impacts-driven donor approaches and bottom-up, vulnerability-driven NGO approaches. Key findings highlight a 'usage gap' where practitioners prefer synthesis documents over complex data tools, and a difficulty in moving from risk assessment to concrete adaptation action. The authors recommend continued training, better integration between data and process tools, and the development of a common risk management framework and terminology to reduce duplication and confusion in the development community.

The document analyzes the rise of intra-South insecurity in South Sudan, attributing it to historical leadership splits, ethnic tensions, the militarization of politics, and political interference by the SPLM. It details several active rebellions led by former generals and assesses the impact of these dynamics on state stability and development, while providing policy recommendations for the Government of South Sudan and the international community.

The document serves as a comprehensive manual for professionals and decision-makers on the safe and effective application of human urine in agriculture. It details the nutrient composition of urine, provides evidence from global field trials showing yields comparable to mineral fertilizers, and outlines a 'multiple barrier' risk management strategy based on WHO guidelines to prevent pathogen transmission. The guide also addresses the economic value of urine, institutional frameworks for implementation, and provides a specific local guideline example for Niger.

The BIO-EARN programme (1999–2010) aimed to empower Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda to utilize agricultural, environmental, and industrial biotechnologies for sustainable development. Funded by Sida and coordinated by the Stockholm Environment Institute and later the Inter-University Council for East Africa, the programme focused on human capacity building, infrastructure development, and the creation of an enabling policy environment. Key achievements include the training of 30 PhD and 30 MSc students, the upgrading of 17 laboratories with over SEK 25 million in investment, and the development of stress-tolerant sorghum and disease-resistant root crops. The programme also pioneered biosafety risk assessment and intellectual property management in the region, facilitating the transition of research from laboratories to pilot-scale applications in waste water treatment and agro-processing.

The research examines the impact of climate variability on Ethiopia's agricultural production and GDP to identify ways to mainstream climate risks into poverty reduction plans. It highlights a case study on drought insurance within a social protection programme serving 8.3 million people. The analysis identifies key challenges, including uncertainties in climate projections and weak evidence of climate-society interactions, while suggesting that 'low-regrets measures' can reduce vulnerability by shifting from disaster-focused responses to long-term livelihood security.

The report denounces the Principles for Responsible Agricultural Investment (RAI) as a mechanism to legitimise 'land grabbing' by corporations and governments. It argues that voluntary guidelines cannot remedy the systemic human rights violations, environmental destruction, and food insecurity caused by large-scale land acquisitions, which it claims are driven by financial speculation rather than food security. The authors call for an immediate ban on large-scale land transactions, the return of misappropriated lands to communities, and a transition toward food sovereignty based on peasant agriculture and agroecology.

Friends of the Earth International and a coalition of social movements denounce the 'Responsible Agricultural Investment' (RAI) principles promoted by the World Bank and other international agencies. The document asserts that these voluntary guidelines serve as a 'moral facade' for financial speculation and corporate land grabbing, which lead to forced evictions, water privatization, and the destruction of small-scale farming. It calls for the immediate suspension of land grabs, the return of stolen lands, and a transition toward food sovereignty based on agroecological methods and genuine land reform.

The report details the 2011 Djiboutian presidential elections, which saw President Ismail Omar Guelleh re-elected for a third term with 80.56% of the vote following a boycott by the main opposition coalition, the Union for a Democratic Alternative (UAD). The author argues that the electoral process was far from competitive due to the fusion of the ruling Union for a Presidential Majority (UMP) with the state apparatus and the removal of presidential term limits in 2010. The document also highlights internal instability, including violent youth protests in February 2011 and ethnic tensions between the Issa and Afar groups. Externally, it describes the strategic military presence of France and the US, and the volatile border relationship with Eritrea, which was partially mitigated by Qatari mediation in 2010.

India's engagement with Africa has evolved from a post-colonial focus on decolonisation and non-alignment to a pragmatic 'enlightened national interest' approach. This modern strategy is driven by India's need for energy security, specifically crude petroleum, and its ambition for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Trade has grown significantly, with bilateral trade reaching $39 billion in 2008–09, and Indian investment has expanded across hydrocarbons, mining, agriculture, and ICT. India continues to support African capacity building through the ITEC programme and the Pan-African e-network project, aiming to marry its traditional idealistic goals with contemporary economic and strategic needs.

The document examines the complex interdependence between Northern and Southern Sudan as the South moves toward independence. It highlights the critical role of oil co-management, as Southern Sudan derives 98% of its income from oil exports that must travel through Northern infrastructure. The author argues that while the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) provided a path to secession, significant risks remain, including unresolved border disputes in Abyei, the potential for continued insurgency in the North, and the fragile internal governance of the South. Regionally, the document notes the potential for a new independent South Sudan to shift the balance of power within the Nile Basin Initiative, potentially challenging Egypt's historical dominance over Nile water rights.

The paper examines the JinFei ETCZ in Mauritius as an anomaly in China's African investment strategy, which usually targets large markets or resource-rich countries. It argues that the project was realized through the proactive agency of the Mauritian government, which leveraged its stable 'soft infrastructure' and strategic location to position the island as a business platform between Asia and Africa. Despite initial delays due to land disputes and the 2008 financial crisis, the project was rescued by high-level Chinese political intervention and the entry of large state-owned enterprises from Shanxi Province, shifting the zone's focus from light manufacturing to services, real estate, and logistics.

The report finds that while civil society usage of PAIA for strategic advocacy has increased, the performance of information holders has declined, characterized by a high rate of 'deemed refusals' and a lack of affordable appeal mechanisms.

The report details a workshop in Douala, Cameroon, focused on the implementation of REDD+ in Africa. Key discussions centered on the need for cost-effective safeguard information systems, the scalability of Measurement, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) from subnational to national levels, and the role of agriculture as a driver of deforestation rather than a direct part of REDD+. Participants emphasized the necessity of transparent, equitable financing that prioritizes local experts and the integration of gender and indigenous perspectives to ensure multiple co-benefits beyond carbon sequestration.

The document analyzes the growth and modification of International Investment Agreements (IIAs), noting a trend toward more precise treaty language to preserve state regulatory space, particularly regarding environmental and labor standards. It also details the rise in investor-State disputes, highlighting that while states and investors have similar win rates in concluded cases, the financial stakes and costs of defense are increasing, with developing countries frequently appearing as respondents.

The report analyzes the surge in foreign acquisitions and long-term leases of agricultural land and water, driven by food and energy security concerns and the 2008 food crisis. It highlights a critical lack of transparency and public contracts, which obscures the impact on local communities. The authors argue that a complex interplay between national laws, investment contracts, and International Investment Agreements (IIAs) often prioritizes foreign investor protections over the rights of local users and the regulatory autonomy of host states, potentially hindering sustainable development and public health measures.