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The document examines national investment laws as versatile policy instruments, tracing their shift from national development tools (1950-1979) to mechanisms for incorporating international treaty standards (1980-2010). It identifies seven primary functions of contemporary investment laws: regulating admission, administering incentives, facilitating investment, providing legal protection, managing disputes, specifying investor obligations, and supervising investments. The report argues against a 'one-size-fits-all' model, suggesting instead that laws be designed based on a country's specific policy objectives and regulatory capacity. It provides a detailed framework for policymakers to evaluate existing laws and design new ones, emphasizing the need to reduce legal risks associated with investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) and inefficient tax incentives.

The document analyzes the transition from the 'Angola model'—characterized by infrastructure-for-resources swaps—to a 'Hunan model' centered on the Hunan province's comparative advantages. This new approach focuses on agricultural technology, construction machinery, and digital trade to foster a more diversified economic relationship between China and Africa, implemented through national platforms like the China–Africa Economic and Trade Exhibition (CAETE) and the China–Africa Economic and Trade Deep Cooperation Zone.

The Horn of Africa faces severe challenges including governance failure, chronic food insecurity, and high poverty rates, with no countries on track to eliminate extreme poverty by 2030. The region is characterized by a very young population and high dependence on rain-fed agriculture, which is increasingly threatened by climate change and conflict. While Ethiopia and Sudan dominate the regional GDP, most nations suffer from poor infrastructure and dysfunctional health and education systems. The report models an 'Integrated Development Push' scenario involving improvements in governance, agriculture, and human capital, which could significantly increase regional GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2040.

The document evaluates the impact of AU governance tools, finding that while APRM members are statistically more likely to show governance improvements than non-members, neither the APRM nor the AGR has fundamentally reversed a general trend of stagnation or decline in African governance since 1996. It highlights a lack of resilience in governance scores following shocks and argues that the focus of these mechanisms must shift from providing recommendations to ensuring their implementation.

The Horn of Africa is characterized by a very young population and high fertility rates, particularly in Somalia. Only Djibouti has currently reached the working-age to dependent ratio necessary to potentially realize a demographic dividend. The region is predominantly rural, with Ethiopia being the most rural and Djibouti the most urbanized. High youth populations combined with limited economic opportunities are identified as contributors to socio-political instability.

The report analyzes multidimensional and income-based poverty across the Horn of Africa, noting that while the region is projected to see a decline in average poverty rates to 12% by 2040, it will fail to meet the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals for eradicating extreme poverty. It highlights severe disparities, with South Sudan and Somalia facing extreme poverty driven by conflict and weak governance, while Ethiopia has shown significant progress in poverty reduction despite ongoing regional conflict.

The health systems of the Horn of Africa are severely strained by conflict, insecurity, and drought, leading to high rates of malnutrition and maternal and child mortality. While life expectancy has generally increased, the region struggles to meet SDG targets, with a dual burden of persistent communicable diseases and steady rates of non-communicable diseases and injuries.

The report analyzes how UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies (HRTBs) are increasingly integrating climate change into their oversight of State obligations. In 2022, HRTBs made 95 references to climate change in their pronouncements, reflecting a trend toward treating the climate crisis as an urgent human rights issue. Key focus areas include the obligation of developed states to mitigate emissions, the need to phase out fossil fuels, and the protection of vulnerable groups such as children, women, persons with disabilities, and Indigenous Peoples. A landmark decision by the Human Rights Committee in Billy et al. v. Australia established a State's duty to protect individuals under its jurisdiction from climate impacts and provide effective remedies. The report emphasizes the growing role of HRTBs in defining extraterritorial obligations and the duty to regulate private corporate actors contributing to environmental degradation.

The report analyzes the increasing engagement of UN human rights treaty bodies (HRTBs) with climate change, noting that in 2022, 52 percent of outputs to States included climate-related recommendations. It highlights a shift toward more specific demands regarding mitigation, the phasing out of fossil fuels, and the protection of vulnerable groups, including children, women, and Indigenous Peoples. A landmark decision by the Human Rights Committee in Billy et al. v. Australia established a State's duty to protect individuals from climate impacts and provide effective remedy. The document argues for further HRTB guidance on extraterritorial obligations and the regulation of private business actors to prevent climate-induced human rights violations.

The report analyzes the intersection of climate-resilient infrastructure and gender disparities in 19 African countries. It identifies how climate change disproportionately affects women—increasing labor burdens for food, water, and energy—and how inadequate infrastructure exacerbates these vulnerabilities. The document provides detailed socioeconomic profiles for several countries, including Benin, Cameroon, Chad, and Nigeria, highlighting gaps in education, financial inclusion, and political representation. To mitigate these risks, the ICRF proposes a three-component strategy involving blended finance, capacity building, and policy interventions, with specific entry points for gender mainstreaming such as prioritizing women-led companies in procurement and collecting sex-disaggregated data.

The document analyzes Russia's strategic pivot toward Africa as a means to diversify partners and evade Western sanctions following the invasion of Ukraine. It identifies three primary pillars of engagement: economic interests in mining, energy, and agriculture; geopolitical efforts to undermine Western influence in the Sahel and Mediterranean; and the promotion of multipolarity to challenge US-led unipolarity. While Africa is described as a 'policy tool' rather than a central priority, Russia leverages its lack of colonial history and non-conditional military support to gain influence among African states.

The 2022 activities of the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) show a sustained focus on climate change, with references appearing in 25 out of 33 State review processes. The Committee emphasized adaptation, mitigation, and the empowerment of children in policymaking, while specifically calling out the need for more ambitious emission reductions in developed nations like Germany. A significant portion of the CRC's work focused on the accountability of private actors in fossil fuel production and the extraterritorial obligations of States to protect children's rights abroad. Furthermore, the CRC developed a draft General Comment No. 26, which links a safe climate to the right to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment and advocates for the phasing out of fossil fuels.

The MENA region increased its operational renewable energy capacity by 57% since May 2022, adding 6.9 GW of solar and wind power. While there is a massive pipeline of 361 GW in planned projects, 60% of this capacity is earmarked for green hydrogen production and export rather than domestic decarbonization. The region remains heavily dependent on fossil fuels, with oil and gas providing over 90% of electricity, and 18 of 23 analyzed countries planning to expand their gas and oil power fleets. To fully decarbonize the electricity sector by 2050, the region would need to add 19 GW of solar and wind capacity annually.

The document examines the 'regionalisation' of peacekeeping in Africa, noting that troops from countries bordering crisis zones now constitute a significant portion of UN and AU missions. While these countries possess local knowledge, the authors argue that their involvement often prioritises national interests and 'collective defence'—the alliance against identified enemies—over the 'collective security' goal of addressing root causes. This shift is characterised by extreme militarisation and a lack of political strategy, which the authors suggest erodes the principles of impartiality and neutrality in peacekeeping.

The report examines how the rise of the Indo-Pacific strategic framework and intensifying competition between traditional powers (US, UK, France) and emerging powers (China, India) affect African maritime security and development. It highlights the critical importance of Indian Ocean trade routes, the proliferation of foreign military bases in the region, and the risk of African states being drawn into proxy wars. The author emphasizes that while great power competition is a long-term risk, immediate threats include piracy, illegal fishing, and climate change. The paper recommends that African states and the African Union develop a unified conception of their maritime interests and leverage multilateral organizations to protect their sovereignty and blue economy goals.

The report assesses how climate change exacerbates gender inequalities in three infrastructure sectors: WASH, coastal/marine ecosystems, and ports. It finds that women and girls bear a disproportionate burden of inadequate WASH services and are largely excluded from formal employment and decision-making in the blue economy and port operations. The document proposes a Gender Action Plan for Climate Fund Managers (CFM) to improve access, amplify women's voices in planning, create formal employment opportunities, and implement robust gender-disaggregated monitoring.

The Russia-Ukraine war has worsened systemic weaknesses in the international food system, disproportionately affecting African countries due to their high reliance on food, fuel, and fertiliser imports from Russia and Ukraine. This vulnerability is compounded by climate-induced weather events, internal conflicts, and structural infrastructure deficits. The report highlights that food price shocks have already triggered protests in countries like Uganda, Malawi, Senegal, and Sudan. To mitigate these risks, the authors recommend that private companies support the diversification of food sources and local agribusiness capacity, while African governments should reduce regulation and leverage regional integration platforms like the AfCFTA.

The document examines the tension between Africa's significant natural gas resources and the global shift toward net-zero emissions. It argues that while gas provides short-term revenue and energy security, long-term investments face high risks of becoming stranded assets due to declining global demand and the falling costs of renewable energy. The paper advocates for leveraging climate finance to scale up renewables and green hydrogen, which it presents as more sustainable pathways for economic diversification and energy access.

The document introduces a study on the development prospects of the Horn of Africa (Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, and South Sudan) up to 2040. It highlights the region's challenges, including high poverty, poor state capacity, and a heavy reliance on rain-fed agriculture in an area where 70% of the land is arid or semi-arid. The report aims to establish a 'Current Path' forecast and develop scenarios for a sustainable and peaceful development trajectory.

The Horn of Africa is characterized by chronic instability, including inter-state wars over territorial disputes and internal ethnic conflicts, which have led to massive displacement. The region's geostrategic importance has attracted significant foreign military presence and economic investment, particularly from Gulf states and Turkey, though these external interests often exacerbate regional rivalries and hinder economic integration.