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The document outlines the legal framework provided by UNCLOS for landlocked states to secure access to the sea and exploit living resources in the exclusive economic zones (EEZ) of coastal states. It emphasizes that while UNCLOS establishes general rights, the practical implementation depends on negotiated agreements between landlocked and transit states. The brief highlights the importance of mutual benefit, citing the Ethiopia-Djibouti agreement and the Walvis Bay Corridor Group as successful models of cooperation in Africa.

The document examines the state of regional integration in Africa and Southern Africa, specifically within the Southern African Development Community (SADC), in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. It identifies significant gaps in infrastructure and productive integration, noting that while South Africa is the continent's most integrated country, the region as a whole struggles with poverty, unemployment, and poor governance. The author proposes seven dynamic opportunities for recovery: reshaping manufacturing for self-reliance, sustaining pan-African cooperation, closing the digital skills gap, addressing and financing infrastructure deficiencies, establishing infrastructure management systems, and enhancing integrated decision-making through potential supranational organisation. The paper concludes that South Africa must lead these efforts to reclaim regional agency and advance the African Union's Agenda 2063.

The document examines how regional economic hubs in sub-Saharan Africa facilitate capital flows and how the interplay between de-risking and illicit financial flows (IFFs) undermines this process. It argues that de-risking—the termination of business relationships to avoid AML-CFT risks—often drives users toward unregulated shadow banking and informal channels, which in turn exacerbates IFFs. This creates a vicious cycle that reduces legitimate capital inflows, impairs financial inclusion for SMEs and NGOs, and weakens the overall financial integrity of both hub and spoke countries.

The document maps local procurement regulations in the SADC region, distinguishing between demand-side policies (encouraging companies to buy locally) and supply-side interventions (supporting local supplier capacity). It finds that while most SADC countries have some form of local procurement requirement, the level of detail varies significantly, with the DRC, Namibia, South Africa, and Tanzania employing specific targets and plans, while others rely on vague 'best effort obligations'.

The document assesses the chronic instability in the Great Lakes region, specifically the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It argues that while governance failures in the DRC are often blamed, the repressive domestic policies and illicit economic interests of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi are equally significant drivers of conflict. The author suggests that the presidency of Félix Tshisekedi provides an opportunity to shift regional dynamics, provided the international community demands better governance from all regional actors and supports a comprehensive political dialogue rather than purely military solutions.

The document outlines the legal framework provided by UNCLOS for landlocked states to access the sea through transit states. It emphasizes that while UNCLOS grants general rights of transit and access to living resources in Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs), the practical implementation depends on negotiated agreements. The brief provides recommendations for African policymakers to ensure these agreements are mutually beneficial, citing the Djibouti–Addis Ababa transport corridor and the Walvis Bay Corridor Group as successful examples of such cooperation.

The policy brief examines how 4IR technologies—specifically biotechnology, precision agriculture, and controlled-environment agriculture—can enhance water-smart farming in Southern Africa. It highlights the potential of CRISPR for drought-resistant crops, the use of remote sensing and AI for small-scale farmer decision-making, and the promise of vertical farming to bypass climatic limitations, while noting challenges related to energy efficiency and regulatory frameworks.

The report analyzes the 2018 HRC records of 13 African states, finding a general unwillingness to defend international human rights and a significant lack of unity in voting. Tunisia, Côte d’Ivoire, and Rwanda showed the strongest commitment, while Burundi, Egypt, and Ethiopia were the most opposed. The analysis highlights a discrepancy between domestic freedom ratings and HRC performance, noting that domestic records are weak predictors of how states vote on the Council.

The report finds that COVID-19 is set to undo several years of development progress in Africa, with the economy projected to be between US$335 billion and US$617 billion smaller by 2030 compared to pre-pandemic forecasts. It highlights a severe risk of a debt crisis, significant reductions in health expenditure, and a widening gap in achieving the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals, particularly regarding extreme poverty. While Africa's youthful population may mitigate direct mortality, the report warns that indirect deaths from reduced health spending and disrupted care for diseases like HIV and malaria could be substantial. Recommendations include accelerating digitisation, improving water and sanitation (WaSH) infrastructure, and securing comprehensive debt relief.

The document examines Africa's response to COVID-19, highlighting the tension between implementing lockdowns to protect fragile health systems and the resulting economic risks due to high informality and poverty. It notes that while some countries adopted rapid mitigation strategies and leveraged experience from previous epidemics, systemic gaps in water access and health funding leave the continent vulnerable as infection rates accelerate.

The report analyzes three economic recovery scenarios (V, U, and L-shaped) for Africa, concluding that the pandemic will cause a severe development setback. It forecasts that Africa's economy will be between US$349 billion and US$643 billion smaller by 2030 compared to pre-pandemic projections. While Africa's youthful population may mitigate direct COVID-19 mortality, the report warns that reduced health expenditure and high debt levels could lead to significant indirect deaths and a systemic human development crisis. Key recommendations include urgent debt relief, increased domestic health spending, and accelerated digitisation to build long-term resilience.

The report analyzes three economic recovery scenarios (V, U, and L-shaped) for Africa following the COVID-19 pandemic. It finds that while the continent's youthful population may mitigate direct mortality, the economic shock will likely erase years of progress in poverty reduction and hinder the achievement of 2030 SDGs. The analysis emphasizes that the primary suffering will stem from economic contraction and a resulting debt crisis rather than direct virus mortality. Key recommendations include urgent debt relief, increased health spending, and investment in water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) infrastructure to build long-term resilience.

The Sustainable Renewables Risk Mitigation Initiative (SRMI) Facility, managed by the World Bank, is classified as an Environmental and Social Safeguards (ESS) Category A project. The document confirms that the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) and Environmental and Social Management Plan (ESMP) were disclosed on June 21, 2020, in English, French, Uzbek, and Vietnamese to accommodate the target countries. These documents include templates consistent with Category A requirements within an "Environmental and Social Sustainability Framework."

The document examines the 2020 Burundian election, which saw Evariste Ndayishimiye win with 68% of the vote despite allegations of fraud from the opposition and the Catholic Church. It highlights the president's need to balance internal CNDD-FDD party factions, specifically between the military generals who supported him and his predecessor, Pierre Nkurunziza. The author notes severe national crises, including a 74% poverty rate, massive displacement of people, and a destroyed professional middle class. The text argues that the African Union should engage with the new administration to encourage the restoration of civil society and media freedoms.

The report examines the lack of controls on the manufacture, import, and export of law enforcement equipment in South Africa that facilitates torture. It identifies a domestic industry producing inherently abusive tools, such as stun belts and electrified shields, and highlights the gap between South Africa's international human rights obligations and its domestic trade practices.

The document examines how African governments and mining companies track local procurement, noting that aggregate spending figures often mask a lack of genuine local value addition. It highlights the gap between current reporting practices and the data needed to steer effective policy, while identifying emerging industry standards and country-specific examples that could serve as models for improvement.

The report examines the link between environmental degradation and the rising frequency of zoonotic diseases, using COVID-19 as a primary example. It identifies land-use change for agriculture and the trade of high-risk wildlife as the primary drivers of pathogen spillover. The document proposes a 'New Deal for Nature and People' focusing on halting high-risk wildlife trade, eliminating deforestation from supply chains, and implementing a 'One Health' approach to economic recovery.

The research analyzes 259 autocratic regimes from 1946 to 2008 to determine if the predictability of election dates influences regime durability. The author posits that regular election cycles create focal points for dissident collective action and prevent incumbents from 'surfing' favorable political or economic conditions. Statistical analysis indicates that regimes with more regular electoral cycles have a significantly higher probability of failure. The study suggests that manipulating the electoral calendar—through snap elections or delays—serves as a survival strategy to stymie challengers and optimize the use of state violence.

The document identifies the Technical Assistance (TA) Facility for the Global Subnational Climate Fund as a Category I-2 environmental and social safeguards project. It lists target countries across Africa, Asia-Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Mediterranean, and confirms that an Environmental and Social Management System (ESMS) has been disclosed in multiple languages to comply with requirements.

The authors argue that COVID-19 and climate change are direct threats to U.S. national security and act as 'threat multipliers' that amplify geostrategic competition and local conflicts. They contend that the U.S. should not simply reallocate funds away from national defense but instead expand the defense toolkit to include biodefense, climate adaptation for military bases, and support for international cooperation to prevent the collapse of global governance systems.