Search Climate Insights Directory

A review of 41 multisector NAP documents reveals that transboundary climate risks are sporadically mentioned and lack a systematic approach, with most references limited to shared ecosystems like river basins. The document argues that the dominance of place-based adaptation and state sovereignty norms hinder the integration of cross-border risks, and recommends leveraging intergovernmental organizations and territorial framing to improve regional collaboration.

The document assesses the impact of gender analyses on National Adaptation Plan (NAP) processes in nine countries, identifying how these tools influence policy, knowledge, collaboration, and investment. It highlights that while gender analyses often lead to the creation of specific gender-climate strategies and the integration of gender-disaggregated data into NAPs, their effectiveness depends on high-level political ownership, inclusive stakeholder participation, and continuous dissemination of results.

The document assesses the application of gender analyses within the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) processes of nine countries between 2017 and 2022. It identifies four primary types of impact: policy changes, improved collaboration, evolution of knowledge and practices, and increased investment. The analysis highlights that while gender analyses often inform high-level planning documents and national strategies, their effectiveness depends on high-level political ownership, diverse stakeholder engagement, proactive dissemination of results, and the formulation of concrete, actionable recommendations tailored to specific NAP entry points.

The conflict in Sudan, which escalated in April 2023 between General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan's army and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo's Rapid Support Forces (RSF), is driven by a struggle for power and control over resources. This instability threatens regional security, specifically regarding the Nile River dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), and risks destabilising fragile neighbours like Chad and the Central African Republic. Internationally, the crisis intersects with Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 tourism goals and Russia's strategic interests, including a proposed naval base in Port Sudan and gold extraction by the Wagner Group. The author argues that lasting peace requires a long-term approach involving power-sharing and the gradual integration of armed groups into the national army.

The report identifies systemic barriers to gender equality in the off-grid solar (OGS) sector across sixteen Sub-Saharan African countries, highlighting a critical lack of sex-disaggregated data and the prevalence of restrictive social norms. It finds that women generally have less access to OGS technologies and are underrepresented in technical and leadership roles within the workforce. To address these gaps, the Hardest-to-Reach (H2R) initiative proposes a strategy focused on elevating women as customers, employees, and entrepreneurs through gender-lens investing, technical assistance for portfolio companies, and dedicated training facilities.

The report assesses the impact of EU migration interventions in the Sahel, specifically in Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso. It finds that the EU's focus on deterring northbound migration to Europe through border reinforcement and funding-based policies has prioritised security over human protection, undermined regional free movement, and ignored a massive internal displacement crisis. The author recommends a shift toward area-based assistance and a strategic recalibration that prioritises the needs of displaced persons over the goal of curbing irregular arrivals in Europe.

The "Hardest-to-Reach" (H2R) programme aims to provide clean, climate-resilient off-grid solar (OGS) energy to 72.4 million people across 16 sub-Saharan African countries. The initiative utilizes a two-pronged financing approach: a $50 million grant-funded Market Support Facility (MSF) to support market entry and capacity building for new players, and a $200 million blended finance Market Expansion Facility (MEF) providing impact-linked loans to scale existing OGS companies. The programme targets a mitigation outcome of 5.1 million tCO2eq avoided and an adaptation outcome of 54.3 million first-time energy access beneficiaries. It emphasizes gender inclusivity, targeting 32% female customers and creating approximately 13,922 green jobs, including 4,641 for women.

The study analyzed bilateral climate finance from 2016 to 2020 for ten countries with low governance scores, finding a total disbursement of US$1.3 billion. The funding was heavily skewed toward mitigation (92%) and dominated by Japan, which provided US$1 billion specifically for natural gas-fired power plants in Uzbekistan.

The document reports that 2022 was the deadliest year for state-based conflicts in Africa since 1989, primarily due to the war in Ethiopia. While non-state conflicts are the most common type of conflict in the region, they have generally been less severe in terms of battle-related deaths than state-based conflicts. The brief also highlights a worrying trend of one-sided violence by governments and a series of military coups in Central and West Africa between 2020 and 2023.

The report evaluates the AU PSC's efforts to integrate youth into peace processes via the WiseYouth network and argues for a community-centred approach to the Sahel strategy to address inter-communal rivalries. It examines the 24-month transition in Guinea, emphasizing the need for regional ownership and inclusive electoral reforms. Additionally, it analyzes the conflict between the SAF and RSF in Sudan, warning that a lack of regional consensus and a proliferation of parallel peace processes may prolong the crisis. Finally, it outlines Uganda's priorities for the PSC chairship in May 2023, specifically regarding the AU-EU partnership.

The report analyzes the intersection of climate-resilient infrastructure and gender disparities in 19 African countries. It identifies how climate change disproportionately affects women—increasing labor burdens for food, water, and energy—and how inadequate infrastructure exacerbates these vulnerabilities. The document provides detailed socioeconomic profiles for several countries, including Benin, Cameroon, Chad, and Nigeria, highlighting gaps in education, financial inclusion, and political representation. To mitigate these risks, the ICRF proposes a three-component strategy involving blended finance, capacity building, and policy interventions, with specific entry points for gender mainstreaming such as prioritizing women-led companies in procurement and collecting sex-disaggregated data.

The document examines the constraints of the current international finance architecture for Africa, noting that between 2016 and 2020, the continent received only $19.5 billion in climate funding against annual adaptation needs of $30-50 billion. It proposes that the G20 can bridge this gap by developing green finance taxonomies, promoting risk sharing through multilateral development bank guarantees, and facilitating carbon pricing. The author advocates for the use of debt-for-climate swaps to alleviate debt burdens while funding nature conservation and the expansion of Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), citing the South African model. Additionally, the paper highlights the role of natural gas as a transition fuel and the importance of investing in the AFOLU sector, which contributed 56% of Africa's total emissions in 2016.

This research paper analyzes Nigeria's foreign policy under President Buhari, arguing that a persistent conflict between regional aspirations and domestic policy instincts has hindered the country's economic and diplomatic goals. The author highlights how domestic measures, such as land border closures and a delay in ratifying the AfCFTA, contradicted Nigeria's stated goals of regional integration and economic growth.

The document analyzes the foreign policy of Nigeria under President Buhari, highlighting a lack of coherence between domestic goals and regional aspirations. Key issues discussed include the 2019 land border closures, which aimed to curb smuggling but increased food inflation and harmed regional trade; the delayed ratification of the AfCFTA due to domestic productivity concerns; and the decline of the oil sector caused by insecurity and poor governance, which deterred foreign direct investment. It also evaluates the role of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM) in managing relations with Nigerians abroad amidst increasing economic migration.

The Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) is seeking concept notes for projects in Africa that leverage local and indigenous knowledge for climate resilience. Up to five projects will be selected for grants of up to $150,000 over a maximum of three years. Projects must align with themes such as gender equality, social inclusion, resilience financing, ecosystem-based approaches, climate knowledge, and youth empowerment. Priority is given to organisations founded and led within Africa, with a strong emphasis on locally-led adaptation and the inclusion of marginalised groups.

The CESCR addressed climate change in most of its 2023 work, including twelve Concluding Observations and seven Lists of Issues. The Committee focused on mitigation policies, urging states like Brazil, Panama, and Portugal to meet their Paris Agreement NDCs, and recommended that China expand its emissions trading system and stop financing overseas coal power. Adaptation efforts were highlighted in nineteen statements, with specific calls for national adaptation plans in Cambodia, Palestine, and Yemen, and an emphasis on the participation of Indigenous Peoples in Panama. Additionally, the Committee challenged the fossil fuel reliance of states such as Qatar and China, while inquiring about oil refinery pollution in Curaçao.

The document argues that while Chinese lending is not the primary cause of Africa's debt distress, specific features of the 'China model'—including lack of transparency, resource-backed loans, and the exclusion of collective restructuring clauses—exacerbate financial vulnerabilities. It highlights how these factors, combined with broader economic shocks, can lead to socio-economic instability, reduced spending on essential services, and increased risks of conflict. The brief recommends enhanced loan transparency, the adoption of legally binding reporting protocols, and improved national debt management to protect human security and development.

The document examines the 'third generation' DDRRR processes used in Cameroon, Chad, Niger, and Nigeria to manage exits from Boko Haram. It argues that effective disengagement requires understanding individual motivations to create tailored incentives, implementing gender-sensitive screening to distinguish between victims and active combatants, and ensuring regional coordination to prevent isolated national approaches. The brief highlights the need for predictable legal frameworks and active community engagement to prevent the perception of blanket amnesties and reduce social tension during reintegration.

The document analyzes the gap between the formal legal recognition of climate justice and its practical application in Africa's mining and petroleum sectors. It highlights systemic failures in enforcement, the limitations of current judicial and administrative sanctions, and the marginalization of local communities. The report advocates for a shift toward 'active' judiciaries, the adoption of specific climate laws, and the strengthening of corporate due diligence to protect vulnerable populations from the environmental and social impacts of extractive activities.

The report analyzes how non-Western powers are extending their influence in Afghanistan and the Sahel through economic, political, and security tools. While China and Russia are the most visible actors, their strategies differ: Russia often employs a 'harder' security-focused approach, while China focuses on 'softer' developmental and economic interests. The document finds that while there are expectations that these powers will fill the vacuum left by Western withdrawals, there is limited evidence that a major power shift has materialized. It concludes that the engagement of autocratic states likely allows for the continuation of existing illiberal tendencies rather than actively exporting them, and recommends that Norway focus on its own unique benefits when engaging with these regions.