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The report examines the role of socially engaged art in bridging ethnic and social divisions in Cyprus, emphasizing its capacity to foster empathy and inter-community contact. It maps various Cypriot initiatives—ranging from bi-communal theatre and visual arts collaborations to urban design projects—and compares them with experiences in South Africa, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Northern Ireland, and Brazil. The author argues that while art cannot resolve political conflicts alone, it creates essential 'contact zones' for relationship building. The document concludes with policy recommendations to shift from elitist art frameworks toward grassroots, community-based cultural policies that utilize public spaces and crossing points to reinforce peace.

The OSCE has struggled to implement its 2004 Gender Action Plan due to increased political polarisation, a consensus-based decision-making rule that grants all 57 participating States veto power, and budget constraints. While conservative states and the Holy See have resisted the 'gender' agenda, the document argues that the OSCE's field missions provide a critical opportunity to implement gender-oriented policies on the ground, provided their autonomy is protected from political turmoil.

The GCF Board's 18th meeting in Cairo focused on operationalizing the fund's implementation phase. Key outcomes include the approval of multiple funding proposals across various regions, the accreditation of five new entities, and the adoption of a Simplified Approval Process (SAP) pilot for small-scale activities. The Board also approved a new Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism Policy and a revised administrative budget and staffing target of 250 employees for 2018. However, consensus was not reached on a risk management framework or the selection process for a Permanent Trustee.

The summer of 2017 saw extreme heat across Southern Europe, including the 'Lucifer' heat wave in early August. World Weather Attribution analysis indicates that human-induced climate change significantly increased the likelihood of these events. A summer as hot as 2017 is now estimated to have a 1 in 10 annual chance in the Euro-Mediterranean region and is projected to become normal weather by the middle of the century under continued greenhouse gas emissions.

The author examines the relationship between rising global military spending and international stability, arguing that the logic of deterrence often fails to eliminate threats like terrorism and can instead trigger security dilemmas. The text highlights a negative correlation between military spending and GDP growth, particularly in OECD countries, and suggests that diverting funds toward social policy could reduce radicalization. It proposes that the EU should prioritize integrated defense instruments, such as EU battlegroups, and strengthen arms control regulations to mitigate the risks of an inflationary arms race.

A coalition of networks and organizations calls for an ambitious revision of the EU ETS to stop the use of Article 10c and the Modernisation Fund for fossil fuel capacity, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe. They advocate for a higher carbon price to disincentivize coal and the redirection of funds toward energy efficiency and renewable energy.

The study finds that ethnic civil wars have indeed declined since the mid-1990s, supporting Ted Robert Gurr's projections. The authors demonstrate that this pacifying trend is associated with increased government accommodation, specifically through the granting of group rights, power-sharing, and democratization, which reduce the probability of conflict onset. Additionally, regional autonomy and peacekeeping operations are found to significantly increase the likelihood of conflict termination. Out-of-sample predictions show that a theory-driven model based on accommodative politics far outperforms a simple time-trend model in predicting the actual decline of ethnic conflict from 2000 to 2013.

The report identifies that adaptation in Swedish forestry is driven by practical knowledge, risk awareness, and trust in climate science. It argues that for adaptation information to be effective, it must be user-oriented, delivered by trusted intermediaries like forest advisers, and supported by peer-to-peer learning. Furthermore, the document advocates for a co-production model of research involving both scientists and stakeholders to increase engagement, and suggests that adaptation planning must be systemic, accounting for both direct and indirect impacts across national borders.

The document argues that 'communication rights' extend beyond simple freedom of expression to include the right to be heard and receive responses from power-holders. It provides evidence of this framework's utility through case studies: community radio in Guatemala and Bosnia and Herzegovina, citizen journalism in the Dominican Republic, gender-focused media monitoring in Benin, and migrant advocacy in Hong Kong. Additionally, it examines the threats to privacy posed by big data analytics and the 'Internet of Things,' arguing that these technologies can create unjust power differentials and facilitate surveillance.

The document analyzes the rise of nonviolent resistance globally, noting that while it has historically outperformed violent resistance in achieving major political change, its effectiveness has declined since 2010. It argues that authoritarian regimes may be more fragile than they appear and suggests that non-traditional international support is more influential than direct state assistance for these movements.

The document provides a structured review of literature concerning the gendered aspects of DDR. It highlights a systemic tendency to view women primarily as victims or 'camp followers' rather than active combatants, which leads to their exclusion from DDR benefits. It also examines how hegemonic masculinity drives violence and how the lack of gender-sensitive planning in post-conflict settings—such as in Aceh or Sierra Leone—marginalizes female ex-fighters. Conversely, it notes more inclusive patterns in Latin American peace processes, such as those in Colombia and El Salvador.

The document argues that protecting minority rights is a prerequisite for lasting stability and a key element of a security-oriented foreign policy. It examines various power-sharing models—inclusion, portioning, and restrictions—concluding that rights-based restrictions on power are most effective for long-term peace. Case studies on Iraq, Syria, and Myanmar illustrate how the lack of minority protections can exacerbate conflict dynamics and how democratic transitions via majority-rule elections can paradoxically increase the vulnerability of minorities, such as the Rohingya.

The paper analyzes the Islamic State's (IS) organizational approach to integrating foreign fighters and local recruits in Iraq and Syria. It argues that while foreign fighters provide essential manpower and ideological zeal for IS's territorial ambitions, they introduce risks of adverse selection (incompetence or infiltration). IS mitigates these risks through segregated training, vetting via extreme acts, and deploying foreign fighters in high-risk roles like suicide missions. Conversely, local recruits present a moral hazard of latent opportunism and personal vendettas. The authors conclude that IS effectively manages these diverse groups by aligning them under the overarching goal of establishing a Caliphate, though internal tensions can emerge during military setbacks.

The paper identifies policy, knowledge, and funding gaps as primary barriers to private investment in climate resilience. It finds that DFIs use a mix of technical assistance, long-term debt, and concessional finance to stimulate demand and reduce risk. Key findings vary by region: in developed countries, regulatory compliance and ageing infrastructure drive investment; in upper-middle-income countries, technical audits and market studies are critical; and in developing countries, intermediated financing through local banks and agricultural supply chains is essential to reach SMEs.

The author advocates for the use of federalism as a long-term political framework to manage ethnically divided states, arguing that the international community can and should impose such structures even without the initial volition of local elites. Using Bosnia and Herzegovina as a primary example, the text contrasts federalism with the historical approach of creating ethnically homogeneous nation-states through population transfers. The author suggests that a federal solution, involving power-sharing among moderate elites and international oversight, could be applied to conflicts in Israel/Palestine and Ukraine, provided there is sufficient international political will and a commitment to transitional justice.

The document examines the challenges European Green parties face in reconciling non-violence with the need to protect human rights in conflict zones. It argues for a shift in EU foreign policy from reactive crisis management to a proactive, multilateral approach that prioritizes ecological justice, nuclear disarmament, and the empowerment of civil society. Specific analyses cover the conflicts in Ukraine, Syria, and the Maghreb, as well as the strategic importance of South East Asia.

The author argues that interpreters in qualitative research are not mere linguistic translators but active mediators who influence data through their social positioning and cultural knowledge. Using fieldwork from Bosnia-Herzegovina, the paper highlights how the 'hybrid parole' created by interpreters can provide deep insights into trauma and power dynamics, while also warning of the ethical and psychological toll on interpreters who translate traumatic experiences. The author advocates for a more nuanced approach to interpreter selection, training, and debriefing to enhance the validity and ethics of cross-cultural research.

The author highlights the devastating floods in the Balkans and the collapse of the West Antarctic Ice Sheet as evidence of the urgent need for global societal and economic restructuring. Despite the solidarity shown during disasters, the author criticizes Balkan governments for continuing to build coal-fired power plants for export. The text calls for the elimination of fossil fuels, a reduction in energy consumption, and a move away from the current consumption-based economic model to ensure survival and sustainability.

A coalition of social movements and NGOs argues that the FAO's current forest definition is reductionist and primarily benefits industrial timber, pulp, paper, and rubber companies. The authors contend that by defining forests simply as land with a certain percentage of tree cover, the FAO erroneously classifies large-scale monoculture plantations as 'reforestation' and ignores the structural and cultural importance of forests to the 300 million people who depend on them for their livelihoods. The letter calls for a new, community-led definition process that recognizes the role of forests in food sovereignty and biological diversity.

The document explores the 'humanitarian drone' as a 'war dividend' from military spending, arguing that the transfer of UAV hardware—including surveillance, cargo, and weaponized drones—also transfers military rationales such as 'surgical precision' and 'targeting logic' into the humanitarian sector. The authors warn that the push for humanitarian drones is driven by a commercial logic to gain legitimacy for the UAV industry and may lead to the dehumanization of suffering or a lowered threshold for the use of force through 'humanitarian combat drones.' While drones offer potential for improved aid delivery and crisis mapping, the paper emphasizes that technology is not neutral and cannot replace the empathy and ethical judgment essential to humanitarian work.