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The report critiques the EU's CRCF carbon farming methodologies, highlighting systemic flaws in quantification, additionality, and sustainability safeguards. It argues that the current framework allows for potential overcrediting and greenwashing, particularly if units are used for offsetting. The author recommends shifting from a credit-based system to an activity-based performance model to ensure environmental integrity.

The document outlines a series of 'must-have' and 'nice-to-have' recommendations for the Polish state and the European Union to unlock SMR deployment. For Poland, priorities include durable political support, flexible financing models like adjustable Contracts for Difference (CfDs), national coordination for technology down-selection, and a dedicated workforce development framework. It also emphasizes the need to streamline permitting for SMRs on industrial sites, potentially leveraging the EU's Net-Zero Industrial Act (NZIA). At the EU level, the document calls for increased funding from existing and future funds (MFF 2028-34), a more relaxed State Aid process, and the formal recognition of nuclear technology's contribution to decarbonisation goals. Additionally, it suggests that Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries pursue joint procurement and a coordinated approach to reproduce successful pilot projects to achieve economies of scale.

The document analyzes polling data from Project Tempo's EuroPulse Dashboard, revealing that while 62% of voters in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) acknowledge human-driven climate change, they prioritize the economy and security over climate action, which ranks 16th out of 18 issues. CEE voters show strong support for wind (62%), solar (65%), and carbon dioxide removal (62%), with higher-than-average support for nuclear power (44%) as a means to ensure self-sufficiency and industrial competitiveness. The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) recommends a diversified approach incorporating 'clean firm power'—including nuclear (SMRs), advanced geothermal, and gas with carbon capture—to maintain 24/7 reliability and reduce dependence on external suppliers, particularly in light of Russia's war in Ukraine. Key barriers identified include a lack of funding consensus, as only 55% of voters support any specific payment option for the transition, and insufficient regional coordination on cross-border infrastructure.

The document outlines the potential for geothermal energy to decarbonize district heating in Central and Eastern Europe, identifying financing and risk as the primary bottlenecks. It highlights national strategies in Hungary, Croatia, Poland, and Slovakia, while advocating for the adoption of next-generation technologies and a unified regional voice to influence EU policy.

The joint statement argues that while the Industrial Accelerator Act (IAA) can transform Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) into clean industry hubs, it risks exacerbating regional disparities due to the CEE's narrower fiscal margins and higher energy costs compared to other EU states. To prevent industrial decline driven by 'subsidy races', the authors recommend combining EU content requirements with carbon and circularity criteria, establishing common EU labels for green steel, cement, and chemicals, and implementing Green Public Procurement (GPP) mandates. Specifically, the statement suggests that GPP mandates for low-carbon materials in infrastructure could increase public procurement budgets in CEE by between +0.11% in Austria and +1.35% in Romania. The authors also call for equitable access to EU-level funding and streamlined permitting for cross-border hydrogen and CO2 infrastructure to address the region's high energy costs.

The document outlines the views of TSOs from Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Slovakia regarding EU grid development. While generally supportive of the European Grids Package, these operators express low confidence in EU-level coordination, citing administrative burdens and a perception of Western European dominance in policy shaping. Key barriers identified include outdated infrastructure, regulatory fragmentation, and complex access to EU funding mechanisms like the Connecting Europe Facility (CEF). The TSOs emphasize the need for more practical, inclusive reforms that respect national sovereignty and address specific security risks for countries on the EU's external borders.

The briefing outlines the outcomes of an Executive Dialogue on nuclear energy's role in Central and Eastern Europe's strategic sovereignty, proposing four priority areas for collaboration: financing innovation, regulatory alignment, supply-chain resilience, and workforce development.

The author contends that the EU's CRCF framework relies on unscientific methodologies and lacks social safeguards, potentially fueling 'green-grabbing' and land inequality. The document further criticizes the proposed next phase of the CAP for lacking a ringfenced budget for environmental action and granting member states too much autonomy, which may lead to a 'race to the bottom' regarding environmental safeguards. It concludes that carbon and nature credits are unsuitable tools for ensuring a fair standard of living for farmers.

The policy brief examines the energy landscape of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, highlighting the region's struggle to balance immediate energy affordability with long-term decarbonisation. It identifies new security risks, specifically China's dominance in clean energy supply chains and conflicting policy signals from the US and EU. The author advocates for a technology-neutral approach—integrating nuclear, renewables, and emerging technologies like CCS—and suggests that CEE can become a clean-tech manufacturing hub. Furthermore, it emphasizes the strategic importance of integrating Ukraine, Moldova, and the Western Balkans into the EU energy grid to enhance regional resilience.

The document outlines a new energy security framework for Central and Eastern Europe, emphasizing the transition to clean energy to reduce vulnerabilities associated with fossil fuel imports and geopolitical instability. It advocates for the removal of fossil fuel subsidies, the establishment of a grid security framework to counter hybrid warfare, and the expansion of the EU single energy market through harmonized permitting and increased interconnectivity. Additionally, it calls for the EU to adopt an incentive-based investment approach, similar to the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act, to maintain global competitiveness and avoid reliance on non-EU financing.

The document outlines a new energy security framework for Central and Eastern Europe, emphasizing the transition from fossil fuel imports to clean energy to mitigate geopolitical risks. It calls for the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies, the creation of a grid security framework to counter hybrid warfare, and the expansion of the EU single energy market through harmonized permitting and increased interconnector investment. Additionally, it advocates for an incentive-based investment approach similar to the US Inflation Reduction Act to maintain European competitiveness and prevent reliance on non-EU financing.

The document argues that Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries must implement coordinated national and regional strategies to decarbonise heavy industries like refining and ammonia production. It identifies four priority actions: cost-competitive policy design, targeted deployment in industrial clusters, shared financial risk schemes, and cross-border collaboration for infrastructure. The analysis highlights that CEE accounts for nearly 25% of EU hydrogen consumption, with Poland as the dominant user, and emphasizes that the lack of domestic regulatory frameworks for CO2 storage in Poland currently forces a reliance on more expensive export options.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) argues that the EU must update its Nuclear Illustrative Programme (PINC) to better support nuclear energy through technology-neutral state aid, streamlined regulatory frameworks for Small Modular Reactors (SMRs), and strengthened domestic fuel supply chains to reduce reliance on Russia.

The briefing assesses the energy transition of the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) region, noting that while some countries have reduced gas demand and integrated grids, Russian gas imports rose in 2024 for several members. It warns that planned expansions of LNG and pipeline capacity by 2030 risk creating stranded assets due to declining demand. The author recommends that the 10th Three Seas Summit focus on a 2027 Russian gas phase-out, the creation of a 'Transmission Highway' for clean power, and the development of regional energy hubs.

The document argues that Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries are heavily reliant on carbon-intensive heavy industries but possess significant potential for clean industry due to renewable energy resources and carbon dioxide storage. It calls for EU industrial policy to shift toward a place-based approach that supports countries with high deployment potential regardless of their current innovation track record. Key recommendations for the EU include revising the Public Procurement Directive to include lifecycle emissions and redesigning the Innovation Fund for first-of-a-kind national deployments. For CEE national governments, the statement recommends earmarking EU ETS revenues for climate action, implementing Carbon Contracts for Difference, and conducting integrated infrastructure planning for hydrogen and carbon dioxide transport.

The policy brief outlines how Poland can use its 2025 EU Council presidency to influence the EU's energy and climate agenda. It emphasizes the need for a technology-inclusive approach to industrial decarbonisation—including CCS and clean hydrogen—to address regional cost disparities and ensure energy security. The brief also highlights the importance of mitigating socioeconomic impacts through retraining and equitable state aid, while promoting diverse energy solutions such as small modular reactors (SMRs) and geothermal energy.

The document outlines the outcomes of a TSO roundtable held during the 2024 PCI Energy Days, focusing on the need for integrated energy hubs, increased connectivity for landlocked countries, the resolution of financing and regulatory hurdles, and the deployment of short-term flexibility tools to support the energy transition in Central and Eastern Europe.

The 2024 Three Seas Summit emphasized the necessity of regional coordination and private capital to advance energy transition and infrastructure in Central and Eastern Europe. Key priorities include strengthening ties with the EU and U.S., supporting Ukraine's reconstruction, and leveraging a portfolio of 143 priority projects—primarily in transportation (51%) and energy (39%)—to build economic competitiveness and climate resilience.

The document evaluates how CEE countries have integrated public consultation and multilevel climate and energy dialogues (MCEDs) into their updated NECPs, finding significant variability in quality and frequent failures to meet European law requirements for early and inclusive engagement.

The report analyzes the energy strategy of the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) countries, finding that planned LNG and pipeline capacity will significantly exceed projected gas demand by 2030. It warns that this creates a risk of stranded assets and security vulnerabilities due to global price volatility. The author advocates for shifting investment from gas infrastructure to wind, solar, and grid interconnectors, noting that 3SI countries could reach a 67% renewable electricity share by 2030.