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The study finds that Ghana's fiscal decentralization is undermined by a heavy reliance on unpredictable central government transfers, fragmented allocation mechanisms, and weak local capacity to mobilize Internally Generated Funds (IGF). It recommends synchronizing fund release cycles with local budget preparation, reviewing laws governing the District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF) and Stool Lands revenue, and investing in revenue management technology and staff training.

The report analyzes the 2020 Burundian elections, highlighting a transition from President Pierre Nkurunziza to Evariste Ndayishimiye within the CNDD-FDD. It describes a political environment marked by an "autocratic drift," systemic repression of opposition parties like the CNL, and a fragile economy where 65% of the population lives below the poverty line. The author argues that the new president faces a "double guardianship" from Nkurunziza and a circle of powerful generals, which may hinder necessary democratic and socio-economic reforms.

The statement posits that global crises like COVID-19 and locust invasions serve as warnings that nature can bring the world to a standstill if environmental protection is not prioritized. It highlights that marginalized communities, including small-scale traders and farmers, are disproportionately affected by these catastrophes and existing climate and biodiversity pressures. The author advocates for mainstreaming sustainable development into governance through policy changes, long-term impact assessments, and participatory decision-making involving indigenous people, women, and youth.

The document records a dialogue on the crisis facing South African State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), focusing on the need for clear mandates, financial sustainability, and the removal of political interference. Panelists and officials highlighted systemic failures in entities like Eskom, PRASA, and SAA, attributing their decline to state capture, corruption, and poor governance. Proposed solutions include rationalizing the number of SOEs, implementing forensic audits, adopting 'just transition' plans for energy, and strengthening the role of civil society in institutional oversight.

The report details a sensitisation project in Botswana led by the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) and the Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (BOCONGO). Key activities included a workshop for 20 civil society organisations (CSOs) on 10 March 2020, where participants discussed the APRM's potential to depoliticise socio-economic criticism and the risks of an 'implementation deficit' regarding National Programmes of Action (NPoA). The project identified a need for additional funding to ensure representation of CSOs outside the capital, Gaborone, to avoid the lack of national coverage experienced in a similar Namibian project. Meetings were held with the Botswana government, including the Director of Governance in the Office of the President, who admitted the country is "still far behind" in APRM implementation. Consultations with international partners like the European Union, the British High Commission, and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung focused on securing funding and aligning the project with donor objectives. The report also notes meetings with the University of Botswana and the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC) to foster collaboration between academia, government, and civil society.

The paper outlines three primary areas where South Africa can exert leadership as AU chair: 'Silencing the Guns' by mediating conflicts in Libya and South Sudan; ensuring the timely implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) by July 1, 2020; and revitalizing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to improve continental governance.

The document argues that while large youth cohorts are not inherently a security threat, they increase the risk of armed conflict and terrorism when combined with high unemployment, poor governance, and economic marginalization. In the Sahel, particularly Mali, these demographic pressures, coupled with environmental degradation and resource scarcity, create conditions where disenfranchised youth are more susceptible to recruitment by terrorist groups. The author recommends a holistic approach focusing on demographic policies to lower fertility and political and economic reforms to boost youth employment, rather than relying solely on military solutions.

The document argues that while Africa has seen improvements in health indicators, it is falling further behind the rest of the world in average income and economic productivity. It identifies a 'unproductive structure' of economies dominated by low-end services and a slow demographic transition as primary barriers. To ignite a 'growth revolution' by 2040, the author advocates for a 'bottom-up' approach prioritizing basic infrastructure, a reduction in birth rates to achieve a demographic dividend, and the revitalization of the manufacturing sector to support agriculture and high-value services.

The document argues that while COVID-19 initially calmed political rivalries by redirecting focus toward the health crisis, it may in the medium term exacerbate instability. The author highlights risks of unorganised riots driven by economic desperation and a potential regime-opposition standoff over how the country should be governed after the state of emergency ends and the ruling party's term expires. It suggests that stability depends on the capacity of political actors to negotiate a constitutionally mandated governance framework and the government's willingness to involve non-state actors in pandemic management.

The document argues that the African Union's PCRD framework is essential for youth-focused peacebuilding, but its success depends on prioritising socio-economic and political opportunities for young people. It highlights that the absence of inclusive youth policies increases the risk of returning to violence. While some states like Côte d'Ivoire have established dedicated youth ministries to foster policy development, others like Libya and the Central African Republic struggle with implementation due to fragile governance and recurring conflict. The brief recommends that the AU and member states prioritise early youth policy development, create dedicated youth ministries, and ensure all policies are accompanied by monitorable action plans.

The document argues that the South African National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) was severely damaged by political interference and poor leadership during the state capture years, leading to a loss of public trust and diminished performance. It proposes the creation of a civil society network to support prosecutorial reform, advocate for transparent leadership appointments, and educate the public on the NPA's mandate. Drawing on a similar initiative in Mexico, the brief suggests that coordinated civil society action can help institutionalise merit-based appointments and establish effective complaints mechanisms to ensure the NPA operates without fear, favour, or prejudice.

Civil society organizations are calling for the World Bank to disclose the final CODE recommendations for Inspection Panel reforms and consult the public on updates to Operating Procedures, noting that other development finance institutions typically conduct public consultations before modifying independent accountability mechanisms.

The report analyzes the drivers of ethnic conflict in contemporary Ethiopia, focusing on the cyclical relationship between political institutions and nationalist mobilizations. It argues that the 'centralised ethno federation' established by the EPRDF created fault lines that, when combined with recent political liberalization and institutional fragility, led to widespread violence. The author examines specific conflicts in the north, west, and south, applying the concepts of the 'security dilemma' and 'invidious comparison' to explain micro-level violence. The document concludes that sustainable stability requires transforming the ruling party, conducting inclusive national dialogue, and reclaiming state autonomy from mob influence.

The report analyzes the fragile political alliance between President Felix Tshisekedi's CACH coalition and former President Joseph Kabila's FCC, which dominates the DRC's parliament. It identifies key priorities for the 2019–2023 period, including reforming the CENI and Constitutional Court, addressing socio-economic needs, and stabilizing the eastern DRC. The author presents several scenarios ranging from a best-case transition to democracy to a fragmentation and chaos scenario, while emphasizing the role of the international community and regional neighbors in supporting transformational change.

The report examines the risks of increased arms sales to Africa, the fragile peace negotiations in Sudan and Mozambique, and the role of the AfCFTA in addressing structural drivers of conflict. It also critiques the AU Peace and Security Council for its lack of meeting records and discusses security threats in the Sahel.

The 'Sustainable Infrastructure in the Amazon' project, running from July 2019 to December 2020, aims to strengthen socio-environmental criteria in the decision-making process for infrastructure projects. It combines economic analysis via a market access tool with regulatory and governance analysis to identify the most effective stages of a project's life cycle for incorporating socio-environmental variables, specifically targeting the feasibility study phase to reduce impacts during implementation.

The document examines the transition of digital technologies from tools of democratic empowerment to instruments of state control in Africa. It distinguishes between 'hard' digital dictatorship, characterized by internet shutdowns and restrictive legislation, and 'soft' digital dictatorship, involving the use of big data and disinformation to manipulate public behavior. While hard tactics are currently more prevalent in Africa, the author warns of a shift toward more sophisticated, data-driven manipulation.

The document assesses the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) against two other multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSIs), the Open Government Partnership (OGP) and the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). It identifies weaknesses in the APRM's digital transparency, member accountability, and civil society integration, while suggesting the APRM can offer lessons in strategic partnership building.

The document details the efforts of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) and the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) to support Namibian civil society organisations (CSOs) in engaging with the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Following Namibia's accession to the APRM in January 2017, CSOs formed a working group in 2018 to identify 13 critical governance issues and produce a written submission presented on 21 June 2019. The brief outlines ten lessons for other countries, emphasizing the need for early familiarity with the APRM, strategic issue selection, government engagement to build trust, and the use of peer learning from other states. It concludes that the process not only pressured the Namibian government to accelerate its national APRM process but also led to the creation of 'Civic +264', a new information hub for civil society coordination.

The paper evaluates the 'Kagame Reforms' of the African Union (AU), which aim to address bureaucratic inefficiency, funding shortages, and poor implementation of resolutions. While some structural changes have been adopted—such as reducing the number of AU commissioners and reforming summit schedules—the paper highlights significant resistance from member states, particularly within SADC and South Africa, regarding the 'Kaberuka Plan' for self-financing via an export levy. The authors argue that the long-term success of these reforms depends on overcoming national self-interest and surviving the transition of the AU presidency beyond 2019.