Search Climate Insights Directory

The Lobito Corridor is positioned as a transformative route for critical raw materials (CRMs) from the Copperbelt of the DRC and Zambia to the port of Lobito in Angola, aimed at supporting the global green energy transition. While it promises significant reductions in transport time and costs, and has attracted up to USD 6 billion in funding from the US, EU, and other institutions, the project faces substantial risks. These include geopolitical competition with China, which dominates regional mining and infrastructure, and concerns over 'modern plundering' where raw materials are exported without local value addition. Furthermore, the project faces sustainability challenges regarding human rights in cobalt mines, land tenure disputes, and the regulation of artisanal and small-scale mining. The re-election of Donald Trump is identified as a major risk factor that could lead to the freezing of US federal and USAID funding, potentially shifting the project's control toward Chinese interests.

A coalition of 54 organizations opposes budget reconciliation recommendations from the House Committee on Natural Resources that would expand coal leasing on federal lands, reduce royalty payments for coal companies, and mandate the approval of specific mining projects. The authors argue these measures contradict climate goals and economic trends, noting that coal produces less than one-fifth of U.S. electricity but over half of the electric power sector's CO2 emissions. Specifically, they oppose the mandate for the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) to make four million acres available for leasing, the reduction of maximum royalty rates to 7 percent, the expansion of the Bull Mountains coal mine in Montana, and the reopening of the Powder River Basin to new leasing.

The briefing argues that the Asian Development Bank's (ADB) technical assistance (TA), while a small part of overall financial commitments, exerts significant strategic influence over policy and project design. The authors contend that TA can act as a form of indirect funding for fossil gas and call for the ADB to align its energy policy with a total fossil gas phase-out, improve transparency, and ensure environmental and social risk disclosure for all TA.

The briefing argues that the Asian Development Bank (ADB) uses technical assistance (TA) as a form of indirect funding that prolongs reliance on fossil gas. While TA is a small portion of overall financial commitments, it significantly influences policy directions and project design. The authors call for the ADB to align its energy policy with the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C goal by phasing out fossil gas support and implementing stricter risk disclosure, transparency, and accountability mechanisms for TA.

The document argues that traditional nationalistic industrial models must shift toward collaborative frameworks to avoid excluding developing nations from green value chains. It suggests strategies such as disaggregating energy-intensive production to regions with abundant renewables, moving from 'technology transfer' to 'sharing of know-how', and utilizing industrial clusters to reduce costs and aggregate demand. The paper emphasizes the role of Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs) in providing concessional capital and the potential for 'climate-smart' public-private partnerships, including philanthropic funding, to bridge financial gaps. It highlights the importance of regional trade frameworks and the need to recycle revenues from carbon border measures back into developing economies to catalyze green industrialisation.

The document argues that health organizations should lead the effort to revoke the 'social license' of the fossil fuel industry by refusing to work with PR agencies linked to it. It draws a parallel between the current fossil fuel industry and the historical tobacco industry, citing CVS Health's 2014 decision to stop selling tobacco as a model for corporate responsibility. The guide outlines a 'Fossil Fuel Free Health Communications Pledge' and a three-step screening process for agencies: requesting full client disclosure, seeking a commitment to avoid future fossil fuel clients, and demanding public accountability. It also provides a list of specific questions for organizations to ask potential agencies to ensure alignment with public health and climate goals.

The document argues that fossil fuel companies use disinformation campaigns, similar to the tobacco industry's historical tactics, to obstruct climate action and harm public health. It urges health organizations to leverage their credibility and market influence—noting a healthcare advertising market valued at USD 42.28 billion in 2024—to revoke the industry's 'social license' by refusing to hire agencies with fossil fuel ties. The guide outlines a 'Commitment for Fossil-Free Health Communications' and a three-step screening process: requesting full client disclosure (specifically for the past 3 years), seeking a fossil-free commitment (such as the Clean Creatives pledge), and verifying public accountability. It cites the 2014 decision by CVS Health to stop selling tobacco products as a precedent for how health-focused entities can catalyze broader industry change by aligning business practices with health missions.

The IAI and its partners commit to enhancing regional resilience in the Americas by integrating transdisciplinary science into early warning systems for droughts and floods, promoting scientific diplomacy, and ensuring open data exchange to support agriculture, energy, and ecosystem management.

The report details Glencore's expansion of coal capacity and the role of European banks in financing these activities through bond issuances, highlighting loopholes in bank coal policies.

The report finds that while a majority of Armenians recognize the impacts of climate change—particularly on health—and support renewable energy, actual personal engagement in environmental activities remains low at 22%. Public trust in environmental action is highest for educational institutions and lowest for the private sector and NGOs. Significant barriers to participation include a lack of time, financial costs, and indifference.

The report finds that while a majority of Moldovans (61%) perceive their understanding of climate change as good or very good, actual engagement in environmental activities is around 57%. Public priorities for environmental protection are led by access to clean water and sanitation and waste management. There is significant concern (65%) regarding dependence on foreign energy sources, with strong support for developing solar and wind power. Educational institutions are viewed as the most important actors in driving environmental action, while corporate sustainability initiatives receive the highest level of public support. Barriers to individual engagement include a lack of time (62%) and financial costs (34%).

The report finds that while a majority of Ukrainians acknowledge the personal impacts of climate change and support renewable energy development, significant barriers such as financial costs and a perceived lack of common practice hinder individual engagement. Public trust in environmental action is highest for volunteers and youth activists, while the central government is viewed as moderately important but less efficient. Energy security is a major concern, with a strong preference for solar and wind power to reduce foreign dependence.

The briefing contends that the Asian Development Bank (ADB) uses technical assistance (TA) to enable fossil gas infrastructure and planning, despite pledges to align with the Paris Agreement. It highlights how vague terms like 'low-carbon' and 'transition infrastructure' allow the ADB to support gas-related projects in countries such as Pakistan and Indonesia. The document notes that TA for energy projects in 2024 lacked fuel specifications in 45.9% of cases, hindering transparency. It further argues that these projects often ignore gender impacts and risk creating stranded assets. The author recommends that the ADB explicitly exclude fossil gas from its 'clean energy' definitions and phase out all direct and indirect support for midstream and downstream gas infrastructure.

Trend Asia criticizes the new PP KEN for extending the use of fossil fuels until 2060, lowering renewable energy targets for 2030, and promoting high-risk or non-renewable 'new energy' sources like nuclear, hydrogen, and ammonia. The report highlights the environmental and social risks of bioenergy, specifically co-firing and Energy Plantation Forests (HTE), which it links to deforestation and land grabbing. It further argues that the policy lacks transparency, excludes community-scale renewable energy, and prioritizes industrial interests over human rights and ecological sustainability.

The report analyzes the New PAC's infrastructure plans for the Amazon, finding a disconnect between project distribution and actual regional needs. It highlights contradictions between the program's green growth discourse and its inclusion of high-impact projects like the Ferrogrão railroad and BR-319 highway, as well as investments in natural gas power plants. The authors argue that the New PAC lacks transparency and fails to align with the Action Plan for the Prevention and Control of Deforestation in the Legal Amazon (PPCDAM). Recommendations include creating a comprehensive regional development plan, prioritizing infrastructure in the 'Deforested Amazon', and shifting energy investments toward solar and wind power.

In 2024, global coal power capacity increased by 18.8 GW, as 44.1 GW was commissioned and 25.2 GW retired. While the EU27 saw a fourfold increase in retirements and the UK completed its coal phaseout, global progress was offset by significant expansion in China and India. China commissioned 30.5 GW (70% of the global total) and saw 94.5 GW in new construction starts. India recorded its highest-ever level of new coal proposals at 38.4 GW. Conversely, coal proposals in OECD countries dropped from 142 in 2015 to five today, though retirements in these nations must triple to align with the Paris Agreement.

In 2024, fossil-powered capacity fell below half of the total electricity mix for the BRICS group, driven by renewable growth in China, India, and Brazil. However, new BRICS members—including Indonesia, Kazakhstan, and Nigeria—show a stark gap between net-zero pledges and action, currently constructing ten times more fossil fuel capacity (25 GW) than wind and utility-scale solar (2.3 GW). Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are central to this expansion, backing 62% of all power capacity under construction in new member geographies, with particularly high involvement in hydropower (93%) and coal (88%).

This joint report from the Scientific Advisory Committee (SAC) and the Science and Policy Advisory Committee (SPAC) of the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI) details the committees' activities, membership updates, and strategic recommendations ahead of the 33rd Conference of the Parties (CoP-33) in Asunción, Paraguay.

IISD recommends that the UK join the Beyond Oil and Gas Alliance, close licensing loopholes, end development consents for new oil and gas fields, and replace the 'maximising economic recovery' objective of the North Sea Transition Authority with a mandate for a managed decline in production.

The report projects that Viet Nam's power sector labour force will grow from approximately 300,000 full-time employees (FTE) today to 500,000 FTEs by 2035. While coal-related jobs will decline, job creation in renewable energy—specifically solar PV and wind—is expected to outweigh these losses, with wind and solar accounting for over half of the direct labour force (around 300,000 FTEs) by the 2030s. The analysis emphasizes that the JETP scenario offers a more gradual build-up of technologies to reduce market volatility and suggests that increasing local content shares and implementing reskilling programmes are essential for a stable transition.