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Japan is transitioning its Africa strategy from Official Development Assistance (ODA) toward private sector-led investment, specifically targeting critical minerals and green energy. This shift is driven by strategic competition with China, particularly regarding supply chain security for rare earth elements and the G7's desire to provide alternatives to Chinese infrastructure loans. While the Japanese government is actively promoting this 'business-based' approach through initiatives like the Green Growth Initiative for Africa and the Minerals Security Partnership, the transition is hindered by high risk perception among Japanese companies.

The document analyzes the challenges facing humanitarian disarmament in a contemporary environment characterized by rising global antagonism, a redistribution of power toward the Global South, and the decline of democratic space for civil society. It argues that the success of past treaties, such as the Mine Ban Convention, is threatened by competing global priorities like climate change and the erosion of trust between major powers. The authors highlight the difficulty of building cross-regional coalitions and the risks faced by civil society organizations (CSOs) due to government restrictions and stigmatization. To remain effective, the brief suggests that disarmament efforts must become more inclusive, diversify funding sources, and shift communication strategies toward the self-interest of states rather than relying solely on moral arguments.

The document argues that while COP28 increased ambition through technology inclusivity and pledges to scale renewables and nuclear energy, the transition now depends on effective financing and planning amidst significant geopolitical instability. It highlights that 2024 is a critical year due to widespread democratic elections and rising trade protectionism, which may prioritize domestic security over climate action. Looking toward COP29 in Baku, the authors expect a focus on the new collective quantified goal on climate finance (NCQG), the phase-out of inefficient fossil fuel subsidies, and the need for more realistic macroeconomic modeling to address a global climate financing gap estimated between $4.5 to $10 trillion per year. The text suggests that because multilateral consensus is increasingly difficult, progress will likely shift toward regional climate weeks and bi- or trilateral partnerships.

The document examines how the technological rivalry between the United States and China impacts Indonesia's aspirations to become a regional subsea cable hub. It highlights Indonesia's current 'underdeveloped' hedging strategy, characterized by a preference for affordable Chinese hardware and U.S. software, while lacking a comprehensive national risk mitigation plan. The authors argue that Indonesia's pragmatic, agency-led procurement often overlooks foreign policy implications and risks dependency on single powers. To address this, the brief recommends mapping stakeholders, integrating the Ministry of Foreign Affairs into procurement decisions, collaborating with ASEAN on governance frameworks, and establishing a formal foreign technology investment review mechanism.

The EU-Iran relationship has deteriorated following the US withdrawal from the JCPOA in 2018 and recent regional conflicts. Iran has responded by breaching nuclear limits and forging strategic alliances with Russia and China, including joining the SCO and BRICS. The author suggests the EU shift toward incentives and new areas of collaboration, such as climate cooperation and the Paris Agreement, to maintain influence and prevent a regional nuclear arms race.

The report examines South Africa's transition from a coal-dependent energy system to renewable sources, emphasizing the need for a 'just' transition that integrates decarbonization with social justice and industrialization. It analyzes the role of the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP), the challenges of the national grid, the financial vulnerabilities of municipalities, and the potential for domestic and international climate finance to support the transition.

The document outlines the need for sustainability science to integrate geopolitical realities, warning that the deconstruction of the multilateral trade system and the race for green technology could marginalize developing nations. It emphasizes that the EU must address cross-border climate risks, particularly within the food system, and ensure that the transition to a net-zero food system maintains food security and preparedness. Furthermore, it highlights the extreme vulnerability of the 46 least developed countries (LDCs), which suffer disproportionately from climate change despite minimal emissions, and urges careful design of trade mechanisms like Carbon Border Adjustment to avoid harming these nations.

The document analyzes the Mediterranean's electricity grid infrastructure, identifying four main interconnection zones and various proposed projects like the EuroAsia and EuroAfrica Interconnectors. It highlights how geopolitical tensions, particularly in the Eastern Mediterranean, hinder integration while suggesting that the energy transition and EU demand for renewables could drive cooperation. The author proposes guidelines for enhancing interconnectivity, emphasizing the need for political alignment and regulatory cooperation.

The author argues that EU-Africa relations are characterized by a historical imbalance and a lack of mutual respect, which has been exacerbated by the Russia-Ukraine war. The document highlights how the EU's shift toward geopolitics and the creation of the European Peace Facility (EPF) may undermine the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) by bypassing the AU. It notes that African nations are adopting a pragmatic approach to geopolitical tensions, seeking diverse security partnerships with countries like China, Russia, and the USA to fill funding gaps and reduce dependence on the EU.

The Horn of Africa is characterized by chronic instability, including inter-state wars over territorial disputes and internal ethnic conflicts, which have led to massive displacement. The region's geostrategic importance has attracted significant foreign military presence and economic investment, particularly from Gulf states and Turkey, though these external interests often exacerbate regional rivalries and hinder economic integration.

The document examines Africa's position as a 'techno-geopolitical theatre' where major powers—including China, the US, and the EU—are competing to establish technological spheres of influence through infrastructure investments and policy frameworks. It warns that while these investments can drive digital transformation, they risk reducing Africa to a pawn in geopolitical struggles. The author highlights the danger of relying on non-neutral service providers and cautions African governments against using digital regulations for citizen surveillance and repression, urging instead a focus on securing digital interests and fostering innovation for a young population.

The document examines Russia's soft-power strategy in Africa, noting that while Russia is primarily associated with hard power, it leverages Soviet-era legacies, education, and anti-Western narratives to attract African elites and populations. It identifies key strengths in the promotion of multipolarity and traditional values, while highlighting limitations such as insufficient financial resources and the mixed results of vaccine diplomacy.

The document argues that EU efforts to secure peace in Libya have been undermined by competing national interests, particularly between France and Italy, and a tendency to prioritize short-term goals like migration externalization and energy resource access. While the EU has successfully used Libya to limit migrant crossings through disputed agreements like the Valletta Memorandum, these same mechanisms have not translated into political stability. The author suggests that the EU should employ multi-track diplomacy and a concerted, unified approach that incorporates Libyan interests to achieve a sustainable peace.

The document argues that while the discovery of hydrocarbons in the Eastern Mediterranean increased tensions between Turkey, Greece, and the Republic of Cyprus, the shift toward decarbonization offers a new opportunity for inter-ethnic cooperation. It emphasizes the need for a policy framework for the electrification of transport, buildings, and industry, and warns that new European grid projects (EuroAsia and EuroAfrica Interconnectors) could inadvertently isolate the Turkish Cypriot community if the existing interconnector between the north and south is terminated.

The document contends that US concerns regarding a nuclear-armed Japan are unfounded and should not prevent President Biden from declaring a no-first-use policy. It bases this on two secret government inquiries (1970 and 1995) that rejected the nuclear option, overwhelming public opposition to nuclear weapons in Japan, and the fact that a small minority of conservative officials lack the political agency to pursue such a program. The report asserts that a no-first-use declaration would not undermine the US nuclear umbrella's deterrent function for Japan.

The 2018 peace agreement and subsequent trilateral alliance between Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia have resolved historical conflicts but introduced new instabilities. The alliance has exacerbated internal tensions in Ethiopia and Somalia, specifically fueling the conflict in Tigray and tensions in Jubaland. Furthermore, the exclusive nature of this bloc has created distrust among other regional actors like Kenya and Djibouti and threatens to undermine the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) by duplicating its integration efforts.

The authors defend the creation of Kazakhstan's new Central Reference Laboratory (CRL), which opened on January 1, 2020. Funded by the US Department of Defense's Cooperative Threat Reduction program, the CRL replaces the dilapidated Kazakh Scientific Center for Quarantine and Zoonotic Diseases (KSCQZD). The authors contend that the CRL's BSL-2 and BSL-3 standards mitigate the risk of laboratory accidents and natural infectious diseases, such as Crimean Congo hemorrhagic fever and COVID-19, while calling for regional cooperation between Kazakhstan, Russia, and China to ensure transparency and compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention.

The report describes Africa as a 'resilient but marginal player' in a global order where multilateralism is eroding and power is shifting toward a polycentric model. It identifies key barriers to African agency, including structural economic dependence, internal political fragmentation among 55 diverse states, and limited capacity at UN missions. The authors argue that Africa can increase its leverage by pooling resources through the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and by leveraging the 'Big 5' powers (Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, Algeria, and Ethiopia) to unify continental positions. While the report notes the risks of great power competition—specifically the 'new Scramble for Africa'—it highlights that African states have successfully exercised agency in relations with China through the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The Red Sea is a complex geopolitical environment characterized by state-to-state rivalries, external military presence, and a perceived gap in maritime management. While shipping has remained largely undisrupted, threats persist from the war in Yemen, piracy, and violent extremist organizations. The report argues that existing regional organizations like IGAD and the AU have limited mandates or internal challenges, suggesting that new cooperative mechanisms should start with narrow mandates, prioritize information sharing, and include all relevant littoral and non-littoral stakeholders to avoid duplication and respect national sovereignty.

The document argues that while President Jair Bolsonaro's administration represents a shift toward neoliberal economics and a closer alignment with the United States, these changes are unlikely to cause a schism within the BRICS. It suggests that Brazil's national interests will continue to drive cooperation, particularly in trade, development finance, and global governance. The author recommends that the bloc leverage Brazil's presidency to address trade imbalances with China through partial scope agreements and align the New Development Bank's loans with national development agendas to ensure financial sustainability.