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The author contends that the multiplicity of mediation processes for the conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has enabled 'forum-shopping' by the antagonists. Despite various efforts by the UN, AU, and regional bodies, the lack of coordination undermines mediator leverage. The document highlights a dire humanitarian situation with 25 million people facing acute hunger and recommends that the African Union integrate these fragmented initiatives into a single, coordinated process with a clear division of labour.

The Gambia's democratic transition is stalled due to the National Assembly's 2020 rejection of a draft constitution that would have limited President Adama Barrow to two terms and curtailed presidential powers. Because the country continues to operate under the 1997 'Jammeh Constitution', Barrow remains legally eligible for a third term in 2026, a prospect that threatens to deepen political tensions and potentially necessitate ECOWAS intervention.

The report identifies several systemic barriers to development in the Democratic Republic of Congo, including poor governance, lack of industrialization, and inadequate infrastructure. To overcome these, it recommends investing in climate-resilient agricultural technologies, diversifying the economy through downstream value addition, and deploying renewable energy mini-grids to improve electricity access. Additionally, the document emphasizes the need for human capital development through revised education programs and expanded access to modern contraceptives.

The report compares a 'base case' trajectory for the Democratic Republic of Congo with several sectoral scenarios and a combined 'Agenda 2063' scenario. It finds that while the combined scenario significantly boosts GDP and reduces extreme poverty and inequality, it also leads to higher carbon emissions. Industrialization and manufacturing are identified as the most impactful drivers for long-term GDP per capita growth, while agriculture provides the strongest short-to-medium term gains. The report emphasizes the need for a green energy transition to mitigate the environmental costs of this economic growth.

The report analyzes the Democratic Republic of the Congo's (DRC) socio-economic status, highlighting a stark contrast between its vast natural resources—including 50% of global cobalt reserves—and its high levels of extreme poverty. It projects that under a 'base scenario' of current policies, the DRC will remain one of the world's poorest countries by 2043. However, the report simulates an 'Agenda 2063' combined scenario where strategic interventions in agriculture, industrialization, governance, and infrastructure could significantly increase GDP, reduce extreme poverty from 26.1% to 6.6%, and diversify the economy away from raw material exports.

The report examines how the Violence Prevention Forum (VPF) influences government officials in South Africa, finding that it enhances intersectoral collaboration and provides a critical 'thinking space' for personal and professional reflection. While some officials find the emotionally demanding and non-traditional methods challenging, many have adopted VPF's inclusive practices and soft skills within their own departments, such as the Department of Basic Education and the Western Cape Government, to improve policy work and internal culture.

The report evaluates the African Union Peace and Security Council (PSC) as it marks 20 years of operation, critiquing its tendency toward ceremonialism over deep expert reflection. It analyzes UN Resolution 2719, which allows AU-led peace support operations to access UN-assessed contributions, specifically discussing its potential application in Somalia, the DRC, and Sudan. Additionally, it urges stronger continental coordination for the UN's Pact for the Future and argues that the AU should leverage its diplomatic position to mediate the Israel-Hamas conflict to protect Africa's economic stability and global influence.

The report documents a dramatic increase in kidnappings in northern Benin, particularly in the Atacora and Alibori departments, driven primarily by Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM). Unlike criminal kidnappings for ransom, VEO-led abductions are strategic tools used for forced recruitment, intelligence gathering, punishment of collaborators, and the intimidation of local leaders to displace state influence. The study highlights the role of national parks (Pendjari and Park W) as hideouts and recruitment hubs, and recommends the development of defector protection and amnesty programmes, infrastructure improvements, and restored diplomatic cooperation with Niger and Nigeria to counter the threat.

The report analyzes the surge of kidnappings in northern Benin since 2021, identifying them as a strategic instrument used by violent extremist organisations (VEOs) like JNIM to infiltrate new territories. It distinguishes between VEO-led kidnappings—used for forced recruitment, intelligence gathering, punishment, and intimidation—and criminal kidnappings for ransom, which are more common in southern regions and linked to actors in Nigeria. The document highlights the role of national parks as hideouts and hubs for illicit economies, and recommends protection programs for defectors, amnesty, and improved local infrastructure to enhance community resilience.

The document argues that UN peace operations are in a 'period of retrenchment' due to a crisis of confidence and a failure to adapt to evolving conflict landscapes. It identifies systemic issues such as 'Christmas Tree mandates'—overly ambitious and multi-dimensional tasks—and a reliance on 'templated and bureaucratic approaches' to deployment. The authors advocate for a shift toward tailored, adaptive, and people-centered mission models. Key recommendations include prioritizing strategic objectives over individual tasks, improving coordination between peace operations and UN country teams, and leveraging partnerships with regional organizations like the African Union. The brief also emphasizes the need for proactive transition planning to avoid the 'peacebuilding financing cliff' and calls for more predictable, flexible resourcing to replace current arbitrary budget cuts and liquidity shortfalls.

The report assesses the potential for dialogue and negotiation to resolve the Boko Haram conflict in the Lake Chad Basin. It finds that while the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) is a more coherent and credible partner, its transnational ties to ISIL make it less likely to negotiate. Conversely, Jamā'at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da'wah wa'l-Jihād (JAS) is perceived as more motivated to negotiate due to military weakness and internal fragmentation, though it lacks centralized control. The study emphasizes a disconnect between hardline leadership and lower-ranking members, who are more open to exiting the group if economic needs and safety are guaranteed. It recommends a multi-faceted approach targeting individual commanders and the use of trusted intermediaries, such as traditional leaders and former associates, to build trust and facilitate demobilization.

The Violence Prevention Forum (VPF) serves as a multisectoral platform in South Africa that bridges the gap between research, policy, and practice. By prioritizing relationship-building and personal transformation alongside evidence-based knowledge, the VPF enables collaboration between government officials, NGOs, and researchers. The document highlights that successful collaboration requires inclusive institutional design, shared goals, and tangible incentives for participants to outweigh the costs of engagement.

The policy brief critiques the 'good governance' paradigm's reliance on transparency and accountability, arguing it often fails in developing countries like South Africa. It proposes alternative frameworks, including 'political settlements' theory, collective action, and behavioural sciences, to address systemic corruption as a collective action problem driven by social norms and economic incentives rather than individual malice.

The report analyzes Mozambique's development prospects through 2043 using the International Futures (IFs) modeling platform. It finds that under the current trajectory, Mozambique is unlikely to meet most of its national development goals due to governance failures, infrastructure gaps, and low agricultural productivity. While liquefied natural gas (LNG) projects are expected to boost GDP, they are not projected to significantly reduce extreme poverty without broader structural reforms. The report evaluates eight sectoral scenarios, concluding that infrastructure investment has the highest impact on GDP growth, while a combined approach across all sectors—including agriculture, governance, and trade—offers the most substantial improvements in poverty reduction and per capita income.

The document examines 'Free to Grow', a curriculum-based intervention delivered during work hours to address risk factors for violence against women and children. Implemented at Tikketai in partnership with the Seven Passes Initiative, the programme uses a human-centred design to improve interpersonal communication, stress management, and parenting skills. Findings indicate that the programme is feasible for busy workplaces and results in positive outcomes for both employees—who report improved home relationships and emotional regulation—and businesses, which observed increased productivity and reduced workplace conflict. The brief emphasizes the importance of quality facilitation and the need for ongoing refresher sessions to sustain behavioral change.

The document analyzes Africa's role and priorities within the UNFCCC COP process, specifically focusing on the transition from COP27 to COP28 and looking ahead to COP29. It highlights the continent's success in establishing the Loss and Damage Fund and launching voluntary initiatives like the Africa Carbon Markets Initiative, while warning that climate finance remains severely constrained and dominated by loans rather than grants. The brief argues that Africa must shift from a reactive to a proactive approach, integrating gender perspectives and climate-peace-security policies, while balancing the need for energy access with a just transition to low-carbon energy.

The report analyzes the surge of violence in Ethiopia since 2018, attributing it to identity-related contentions, elite rivalry, institutional fragility, and international dynamics. While the 2022 Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) ended the Tigray war, the author argues it is insufficient because it excluded key actors like the Amhara Fano and Eritrea. The document recommends utilizing national dialogue and transitional justice to address systemic grievances, provided these processes are inclusive and independent rather than tools for regime consolidation. It calls for deep political reform, including a negotiated vision within the ruling Prosperity Party and the creation of independent non-state oversight.

The report forecasts a significant increase in Africa's energy demand due to population growth, projecting that it will overtake the EU27 by 2043. While Africa possesses vast oil, gas, and hydropower reserves, its current energy mix remains heavily reliant on fossil fuels, with 'other renewables' making up only 1.6% of production in 2023. The document highlights a trajectory where Africa will eventually become a major global source of carbon emissions from fossil fuels, overtaking the EU by 2034.

The document examines Africa's natural gas landscape, noting that while the continent holds approximately 10% of global proven gas reserves, a lack of domestic infrastructure means most production is destined for export. It highlights a potential global LNG supply glut starting in mid-2025 and 2026, which may lower prices and profits for exporters. Key reserves are concentrated in Nigeria, Algeria, Egypt, and Libya, while new discoveries are emerging in countries like Mozambique and Senegal. Specific large-scale projects are detailed for Nigeria, Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Mozambique, and Tanzania.

The report identifies Africa as a net energy exporter, though it forecasts that total energy demand will exceed production by 2039. While a small group of countries like Algeria, Nigeria, and Angola maintain high export values, a significant number of African nations remain heavily dependent on energy imports, a group expected to expand by 2043.