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The paper analyzes the civil war between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), arguing that the conflict has become a proxy war for Middle Eastern powers. It details how external military support from countries like the UAE, Egypt, and Iran sustains the fighting and how a proliferation of uncoordinated, ad hoc mediation initiatives—often led by these same regional actors—has marginalized civilian political actors and hindered a comprehensive peace agreement.

In 2024, fossil-powered capacity fell below half of the total electricity mix for the BRICS group, driven by renewable growth in China, India, and Brazil. However, new BRICS members—including Indonesia, Kazakhstan, and Nigeria—show a stark gap between net-zero pledges and action, currently constructing ten times more fossil fuel capacity (25 GW) than wind and utility-scale solar (2.3 GW). Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are central to this expansion, backing 62% of all power capacity under construction in new member geographies, with particularly high involvement in hydropower (93%) and coal (88%).

The author contends that the U.S. administration's decision to exit the Paris Climate Agreement and end international climate finance creates significant risks for the United States. These include the loss of diplomatic soft power, the forfeiture of economic opportunities in a clean energy market projected to exceed $2 trillion by 2035, and the creation of a power vacuum likely to be filled by China or other actors like Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The text asserts that maintaining a leadership role is essential for U.S. companies to ensure market transparency and harmonization abroad, and warns that domestic policy rollbacks further undermine American innovation and long-term energy competitiveness.

The report finds that BP's 2025 strategy shift prioritizes oil and gas expansion and shareholder returns over low-carbon energy. BP has retired its scope 3 net zero production target and increased its 2030 oil and gas production target to 2.3-2.5 mmboe per day, which is 57% above the IEA Net Zero Emissions (NZE) scenario. Investment in low-carbon energy has been sharply reduced from a planned US$4 billion per year to US$0.8 billion per year for 2025-2027. Additionally, BP is expanding its LNG capacity and gas power plants, while abandoning previous targets for installed renewable power capacities by 2030.

The report evaluates the health integration of NDCs from several countries, finding that while many recognize the health benefits of climate mitigation, most lack measurable health targets, dedicated funding for health adaptation, and alignment with 1.5°C pathways. It provides specific analyses for countries including Brazil, the UK, and the UAE, and offers recommendations for 'Healthy NDCs 3.0' that prioritize health as a central pillar of climate action.

The report maps nearly one hundred agreements on critical minerals between African states and global actors, highlighting the strategic competition for resources. It identifies a lack of transparency in these deals and notes that while China and Russia are prominent, other actors like Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE are expanding their footprints. The analysis emphasizes that these partnerships often reflect broader geopolitical and historical ties rather than just economic needs.

The document analyzes the evolution of BRICS, specifically the 2023 addition of Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE, and the 2024 introduction of a 'partner countries' category. Using Susan Strange's framework of structural power, it argues that BRICS is not seeking to create a rival system but to reshape global governance to be more representative of the global South. The analysis highlights the bloc's economic growth—surpassing the G7 in PPP terms around 2015—and its efforts to create alternative financial mechanisms like the New Development Bank (NDB) and local currency trade to reduce reliance on Western systems. It concludes that while internal diversity and regional rivalries challenge cohesion, the 'agree to disagree' principle allows BRICS to function as a catalyst for South-South cooperation.

The Production Gap Report 2025 finds that governments are planning more fossil fuel production than in 2023, with projected 2030 levels exceeding 1.5°C-consistent pathways by over 120%. While some countries are advancing clean energy transitions, 17 of 20 profiled major producers still plan to increase the production of at least one fossil fuel by 2030, undermining global climate commitments.

The appendix outlines the technical process for estimating the 'government plans and projections' (GPP) pathway using data from 19 major producer countries, which accounted for approximately 81% of global fossil fuel production in 2022. It describes the harmonization of diverse national data into exajoules (EJ) per year and the use of IEA's Stated Policies Scenario (STEPS) to scale these figures to a global estimate. The document also explains the conversion of energy units into physical units and extraction-based greenhouse gas emissions using specific emission factors for coal, oil, and gas.

The report examines the operational and policy failures of the US Export-Import Bank (EXIM), arguing that its outdated risk appetite and domestic content requirements hinder US competitiveness in the global energy transition. It highlights the leadership of foreign export credit agencies (ECAs) from China, Germany, Japan, and India in supporting clean tech and recommends specific legislative and procedural reforms—including raising the default rate cap and expanding support for critical material inputs—to ensure US high-tech industries can meet growing global demand for advanced energy solutions.

South Africa's carbon-intensive export model is increasingly vulnerable as 78% of its exports are sold to countries with net zero targets. The report highlights acute risks in the basic metals, automotive, and agricultural sectors due to high embodied CO2 emissions compared to global competitors. While the EU's CBAM and shifting US trade policies pose immediate threats, South Africa's reserves of critical minerals and renewable energy potential offer a strategic path toward 'carbon competitiveness'. The report argues that success depends on decarbonising the national electricity grid, implementing the Climate Change Act 2024, and securing international support through the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP).

The document examines China's role as the dominant economy in the expanded BRICS bloc, arguing that China views the group as a tool to counter Western hegemony and advance its own geopolitical goals, such as the Belt and Road Initiative. While the bloc has achieved significant milestones through the New Development Bank and advocacy for climate justice, the paper highlights severe internal tensions—particularly between China and India—and regional rivalries among new members like Iran and Saudi Arabia that may hinder the bloc's cohesion.

The author reflects on the mixed progress of 2024, noting record renewable deployment alongside rising global emissions and a political shift toward anti-climate positions. To overcome these hurdles, the author proposes a strategy focused on the lowest-cost electricity mix, including 'clean firm' technologies like nuclear and geothermal, and the use of carbon capture in heavy industry. The document emphasizes the need for regionally differentiated policies and a realistic acknowledgment of the long-term role of fossil fuels to build durable coalitions for action.

The document analyzes the factors driving the high demand for BRICS membership, introducing the concept of 'magnetic pull'—where ideas about development and systemic reform act as coalition magnets. It traces the group's expansion from South Africa's entry in 2010 to the 2023 enlargement (adding Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE) and the 2024 introduction of a 'Partner Country' category. While the group's appeal is rooted in South-South cooperation and de-dollarization, the author notes challenges to internal cohesion and the limits of its attraction, as seen in Argentina's rejection of membership.

The research paper examines the gap between constitutional human rights declarations and actual implementation within BRICS nations. It argues that the organisation, now expanded to include several non-democratic states, may function as a shield for autocratic regimes to avoid Western-led human rights sanctions while pursuing economic and geopolitical influence. The author highlights systemic violations across member states, including democratic backsliding in Brazil and India, war crimes in Russia, state-sponsored forced labour in China, and systemic corruption and xenophobia in South Africa, concluding that BRICS members often instrumentalise human rights rhetoric to assert regional dominance.

The policy brief outlines three critical benchmarks for 1.5 °C-aligned NDCs: tripling renewable energy capacity and doubling energy efficiency by 2030, phasing out new fossil fuel projects with production declines of 65-95% by 2050, and eliminating fossil fuel subsidies by 2025 for G7 nations and 2030 for others. It highlights a significant 'production gap' where major producers plan to increase output despite climate imperatives. The authors recommend that new NDCs include quantitative phase-out targets, commitments to no new exploration licenses, and national roadmaps for subsidy reform that prioritize social protection and clean energy investment.

The document argues that the regionalization of the conflict in Yemen has created a fragmented mediation landscape where the United Nations' influence has diminished. Saudi Arabia's simultaneous roles as a conflict party and mediator have constrained the space for other actors and led to agreements that address immediate threats rather than underlying intra-Yemeni grievances. The author identifies a 'two-part dilemma' for mediators: deciding which actors to engage (regional rivals versus domestic parties) and determining whether to seek a narrow ceasefire or a comprehensive political solution. Ultimately, the paper concludes that military regionalization has impeded conflict ripeness, excluded non-armed civil society groups, and resulted in fragmented outcomes that fail to address the nature of the Yemeni state.

COP 29 concluded with a new climate finance goal of at least USD 300 billion per year by 2035 for developing countries, though this remains below their identified needs. The conference saw a lack of progress on the COP 28 energy package, including the rejection of proposals for annual progress reports on transitioning away from fossil fuels and a failure to reiterate calls to phase out fossil fuel subsidies. While the national adaptation plan (NAP) assessment was delayed to 2025, agreements were reached on indicators for the UAE Framework for Global Climate Resilience and the establishment of the Baku Adaptation Road Map. Additionally, the Lima work programme on gender was extended by 10 years, but the document notes a failure to explicitly address human rights and gender-responsive finance in the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) decision.

The CCPI 2025 reports that while 61 of 64 assessed countries increased their renewable energy share over five years, the top three ranks remain vacant as no country performs well enough to meet Paris Agreement goals. Denmark ranks 4th, while oil and gas producers like Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Russia are the lowest performers. The G20, responsible for over 75% of global emissions, shows poor overall performance with only the UK and India ranking as high performers.

The New Development Bank (NDB) has expanded its mandate to support climate action and sustainable development but faces challenges including aligning financing with local currency and non-sovereign lending.