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The GCF Accreditation Panel recommends the accreditation of World Vision Australia (WVA) as an international entity under the normal track, with a medium project size limit and medium environmental and social risk category (Category B). WVA demonstrated strong capacities in project management, gender equality, and environmental and social safeguards, though it must meet specific conditions regarding the publication of investigation and procurement guidelines to finalize its accreditation.

The report argues that Africa remains hindered by colonial legacies, financial dependency, and weak institutional leadership. It highlights critical crises in food security, youth unemployment, and rising conflict, while critiquing the AU's leadership selection process and its focus on reparations over immediate structural reforms. The document recommends a more proactive AU Commission, a reformed Peace and Security Architecture, and a unified foreign policy to transition Africa from a passive observer to a powerful global actor.

The document assesses the effects of US Executive Order 14257, which introduced a 10% universal tariff and higher country-specific tariffs (11% to 50%) on imports from 190 countries. While mineral-exporting nations like Angola and South Africa may find relief through exemptions for oil and critical minerals, countries like Lesotho and Madagascar face severe economic risks, particularly in the textile sector. The analysis highlights a strategic divide: some nations seek bilateral deals, others aim for self-sufficiency, and a group of African WTO members are coordinating through the 'Friends of the System'. The authors argue that African nations should negotiate collectively under the African Union to protect regional integration and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as the AGOA program faces expiration on September 30, 2025.

The paper analyzes the economic consequences of US Executive Order 14257, which introduced universal and country-specific tariffs on imports from 190 territories. While many African nations face a 10% universal tariff, 20 countries face higher rates ranging from 11% to 50%, with Lesotho most affected. The authors highlight the vulnerability of textile industries in Lesotho and Madagascar and the uncertainty surrounding the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which expires on September 30, 2025. The document advocates for a coordinated regional response via the African Union and the African Continental Free Trade Area to mitigate economic risks and negotiate bilateral or sectoral agreements.

The policy brief argues that Africa's maritime security efforts are hindered by institutional fragmentation, chronic underfunding, and a gap between high-level policy and operational capacity. It highlights that while regional bodies like SADC and ECOWAS have made progress, the African Union (AU) lacks a permanent coordinating body and a tested naval component for the African Standby Force. To address this, the authors recommend establishing an African Maritime Security Expert Group, convening a permanent Committee of the Heads of African Navies and Coastguards (CHANS), and conducting the AMANI Africa III maritime exercise to validate naval command-and-control.

The report details a scenario exercise conducted by the Council on Strategic Risks to explore how biodiversity loss in the Lake Victoria Basin (LVB) can trigger security crises. Using a hypothetical 2034 'Cichlid Collapse' as a starting point, the study identifies social resilience and economic stability as the primary drivers of future security outcomes. It presents four potential futures ranging from a virtuous cycle of cooperation to a 'death spiral' of widespread conflict and ecological collapse. The report argues that biodiversity loss exacerbates resource competition, governance fragility, and the influence of violent extremist organizations, recommending a 'whole of system' approach integrating defense, diplomacy, and development to mitigate these risks.

The report analyzes the complex landscape of African migration governance, highlighting the role of the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) in promoting free movement and regional integration. It identifies significant gaps between the adoption of policy frameworks—such as the 1991 Abuja Treaty and the 2018 Free Movement Protocol—and their actual implementation. The document emphasizes the growing impact of climate change as a driver of mobility and the risks posed by the increasing use of immigration detention. It concludes that while subregional progress exists, overlapping memberships in RECs and a lack of compliance monitoring hinder the achievement of a borderless continent.

The report finds that international development funding for clean air is chronically underfunded, representing only 1% of total international development funding in 2022. It highlights a heavy reliance on loans over grants, significant geographic disparities in funding distribution, and a concerning increase in funding for projects that prolong fossil fuel use.

Climate finance in Africa grew by 48% between 2019/20 and 2021/22, reaching USD 43.7 billion, yet this remains only 23% of the annual funding required to meet 2030 NDC goals. Public finance dominates the landscape, providing 82% of total flows, while private finance is heavily concentrated in energy systems and a small number of countries. The report highlights a critical 'trilemma' where climate-vulnerable countries are often simultaneously debt-distressed and conflict-affected, further hindering their access to grants and affordable capital. Key recommendations include reforming domestic fiscal policies to remove fossil fuel subsidies, scaling the use of guarantees to de-risk private investment, and leveraging domestic institutional assets, such as pension funds, to reduce reliance on international debt.

The report examines the intersection of Africa's blue economy and the Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) agenda, arguing that youth inclusion is essential for sustainable development and maritime security. It identifies climate change, a burgeoning youth population, and coastal migration as critical trends that can either destabilize coastal regions or be harnessed for growth. The document highlights the potential for the blue economy to generate up to US$405 billion by 2030 and provides examples of youth-led initiatives in aquaculture, conservation, and maritime security across various African nations. It concludes that a multidimensional approach, exemplified by the Great Blue Wall initiative, is necessary to build resilience and prevent the radicalization of marginalized youth by providing viable economic alternatives.

The report analyzes national MEL systems for climate adaptation in nine countries, noting progress since 2014 in integrating MEL into national adaptation plans (NAPs). While monitoring and reporting are common, evaluation and learning activities are less prominent. The study finds that the systematic integration of gender equality and social inclusion (GESI) is insufficient, though Kenya and Vietnam provide examples of specific GESI indicators. It also emphasizes the link between national systems and global UNFCCC processes, such as the UAE Framework for Global Climate Resilience.

The report analyzes MEL systems for climate change adaptation in Canada, France, Kenya, Namibia, Peru, Somalia, Tonga, the United Kingdom, and Vietnam. It finds that while all nine countries have initiated MEL efforts, most focus on monitoring and progress reporting, with evaluation and learning remaining less developed. The study emphasizes that MEL systems are iterative, context-specific processes rather than one-size-fits-all blueprints, and highlights a significant increase in the integration of MEL frameworks into National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) over the last decade.

The report argues that the EU's pursuit of 'policy coherence' in its external migration dimension is primarily a tool for containment, often instrumentalising development aid to limit migration. It highlights the inherent tensions between migration management, development, and integration, noting that the EU's reliance on conditionality and compensation in partnerships with third countries often ignores the domestic interests of those partners and lacks evidence-based effectiveness in addressing the 'root causes' of migration.

The document describes La Niña as the cool phase of the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) cycle, characterized by the movement of cold water to the central and eastern Pacific surface. For 2024, there is an 85% chance of a transition to neutral conditions between April and June, and a 60% chance of La Niña developing by June to August. The text highlights that multi-year La Niña events are increasing in frequency, with five of the last ten occurring in the past 25 years. While La Niña temporarily lowers global average surface temperatures by about 0.1C, it does not offset human-caused warming; recent La Niña years have been among the top 10 hottest years ever. Regional impacts include drier conditions in East Africa and the southern US, and wetter conditions in Southeast Asia, India, and northern South America, affecting various crop yields and increasing the risk of floods and droughts.

The authors contend that youth are disproportionately affected by climate change and its associated security risks but remain excluded from formal policymaking. They propose three specific actions for U.S. leadership: including youth in the Paris Agreement negotiating team, utilizing youth engagement in public diplomacy and peacebuilding, and leveraging influence in international financial institutions like the World Bank to prioritize youth-led climate projects.

The report evaluates the African Union Peace and Security Council (PSC) as it marks 20 years of operation, critiquing its tendency toward ceremonialism over deep expert reflection. It analyzes UN Resolution 2719, which allows AU-led peace support operations to access UN-assessed contributions, specifically discussing its potential application in Somalia, the DRC, and Sudan. Additionally, it urges stronger continental coordination for the UN's Pact for the Future and argues that the AU should leverage its diplomatic position to mediate the Israel-Hamas conflict to protect Africa's economic stability and global influence.

Natural Justice argues that the ICJ should recognize a State's obligation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions based on a 'fair share' principle and ensure a just transition from fossil fuels. The document emphasizes that Africa is the most vulnerable continent despite contributing less than 4% of global emissions, facing projected annual loss and damage costs between US$ 290 billion and $440 billion by 2030. It asserts that high-income, high-emitting States owe legal obligations to provide financial support via grants rather than loans and must provide reparations—including compensation and restitution—for internationally wrongful acts that cause climate harm.

The document explores the potential of superhot rock energy in Africa, highlighting its capacity to provide massive amounts of carbon-free electricity and its potential to drive economic growth and energy access.

The document examines how the green energy transition in Africa could trigger conflict due to land displacement, environmental damage, and inequitable benefit distribution. It identifies five key categories of legal protections—land and resource rights, environmental and social protections, compensation and benefit sharing, access to information and participation, and access to justice—that can mitigate these risks. While many Sub-Saharan African countries have enacted basic protections, the brief emphasizes that the quality of implementation, institutional capacity, and political will are essential to prevent a 'green resource curse'.

The document analyzes COP 28 outcomes for Africa, noting a gap between high-level agreements and the actual financial resources provided for adaptation and loss and damage. While it highlights the historic agreement to transition away from fossil fuels and new food system initiatives, it argues that the scale of funding remains insufficient for Africa's urgent needs.