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Africa has experienced significant technological leapfrogging by bypassing fixed-line telecommunications in favor of mobile networks. While mobile subscriptions surged from 1.9 to over 100 per 100 people between 2000 and 2023, fixed broadband remains limited. The report highlights the role of satellite internet, such as Starlink, in reaching remote areas and notes that mobile broadband coverage in Nigeria is linked to increased household consumption and poverty reduction. By 2050, mobile phone and mobile broadband subscriptions are projected to reach 150 and 149 per 100 people, respectively, though gaps in affordability and digital skills persist.

Piracy has re-emerged off Somalia's coast in 2026, with the Joint Maritime Information Center raising its threat assessment to 'severe' following several hijackings in April and May. The document highlights that while international naval efforts like Operation Atalanta and Combined Task Force 151 have previously suppressed piracy, they are currently stretched thin due to crises in the Red Sea and the Strait of Hormuz. The author argues that piracy is driven by the collapse of sea-dependent livelihoods caused by illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing. While Türkiye has signed agreements to safeguard Somali territorial waters, the document suggests Turkish forces may prioritize their own deep-sea drilling assets. The report concludes that unless the Somali federal government and partners address community grievances and governance gaps, the region remains vulnerable to a sustained piracy cycle.

The report outlines a comprehensive approach to building climate-resilient education systems by integrating them into the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) process. It emphasizes three core components: resilient infrastructure, school safety and educational continuity, and climate-responsive teaching and learning. The document provides a step-by-step guide for NAP teams, covering enabling factors, impact, vulnerability, and risk assessments (IVRA), adaptation planning, implementation, and monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) systems, while advocating for a child-centered and inclusive lens to protect the rights of the most vulnerable students.

The report details systemic gender discrimination in African households, highlighting the prevalence of child marriage, the disproportionate burden of unpaid care work on women, and legal and cultural barriers to equal divorce and inheritance rights.

The report highlights a significant gender gap in African political representation, with women making up only 24% of parliamentarians and 7% of top executive positions. While the judiciary shows more encouraging trends, with 21 countries meeting a 33% representation target, structural barriers like patriarchal norms and cyberbullying persist. The text argues that higher female political participation correlates with lower corruption, increased social spending on health and education, and the adoption of stricter climate change policies.

The document analyzes gender gaps in education across Africa, noting that while parity has improved, sub-Saharan Africa continues to lag behind North Africa and other global regions. It highlights a widening gap as students progress to higher education levels, particularly in Central Africa, and forecasts that sub-Saharan Africa will not reach the 2019 global mean length of adult female education (8.4 years) until the second half of the 21st century without aggressive intervention.

The research finds that an aggressive reduction in gender inequality would significantly increase Africa's GDP, GDP per capita, and human development indices by 2043. The most substantial economic gains are projected in the service sector and in regions with currently high gender gaps, such as North and West Africa. Socially, the Gender scenario is forecast to lift millions out of extreme poverty and reduce the number of stunted children by 6 million compared to the Current Path.

The document forecasts that achieving full gender equality by 2043 would significantly boost Africa's economy, increasing GDP by US$1 trillion compared to the current path and lifting 80 million more people out of extreme poverty. The most substantial gains are projected for North Africa and specific countries like Egypt and Nigeria, though the extent of the benefit depends on a country's economic structure and population growth.

The document outlines a simulated agricultural revolution in Africa based on eight interventions: increasing crop yields, expanding irrigation, increasing water withdrawal, protecting forests, improving supply chains, enhancing rural road access, and increasing per capita calories. The scenario predicts that by 2043, average crop yields will reach 7 tons per hectare (a 37% increase over the 'Current Path') and irrigated land will grow to 17.4 million hectares. It emphasizes the role of these interventions in reducing food loss and waste—projected to drop to 19.4% by 2033—and improving rural accessibility to 69%. The model balances agricultural expansion with forest protection, aiming to save 30 million hectares of forest land by 2043 compared to the Current Path forecast.

The document reports that 2024 was the warmest year on record, marking the first calendar year where global surface air temperatures exceeded pre-industrial levels by 1.5°C. It details a surge in weather-related disasters, with 62% of all such events since 1984 occurring after 2004, and notes that over 240 million internal displacements occurred between 2013 and 2023 due to natural disasters. The text emphasizes that atmospheric CO2 concentrations reached record highs in 2024, hitting 426.7 ppm in May, which underscores the failure of current global policies to meet the 2015 Paris Agreement targets.

The AfCFTA faces significant implementation hurdles due to the extreme economic disparity between member states, which may lead to 'winners and losers' where advanced economies benefit while least developed countries (LDCs) face initial welfare losses. Key challenges include the loss of critical tariff revenues for some governments, weak institutional capacities in LDCs, and limited commitment to the free movement of labour. To mitigate these risks, the agreement employs special and differential treatment, granting LDCs and a specific 'Group of 6' (G6) longer phase-out periods for tariff liberalisation, though the authors argue that additional support from the AU Secretariat and private finance is necessary to bridge the development gap.

The AfCFTA agreement, effective since January 2021, is being implemented in three phases covering trade in goods, services, investment, and digital trade. While 47 of 55 countries had ratified the agreement by January 2024, progress varies across specific instruments, such as the Pan African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) and the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons.

The Manufacturing scenario projects a structural economic transformation for Africa by 2043, increasing the manufacturing sector's GDP share to 18.1% and adding US$282.8 billion to the continent's total GDP. This shift is expected to generate 34.6 million additional jobs, primarily unskilled roles in agro-processing and services, while increasing government revenue by US$81.6 billion. The scenario forecasts a reduction in extreme poverty, lifting 19.11 million more people out of poverty by 2043 than the Current Path, and predicts a long-term decrease in income inequality through the expansion of the middle class.

In 2025, African nations faced a fragmented global order characterized by US strategic retrenchment and intensifying competition over critical minerals. The year was marked by the first G20 summit on African soil in South Africa, which pushed for reforms in sovereign credit rating practices and international financial support. While some states like Nigeria and Kenya increased domestic resource mobilization to counter US aid cuts, others in the Horn of Africa became focal points for geopolitical rivalry involving Israel and Gulf Arab states. Additionally, the Lobito Corridor emerged as a key site for US and EU efforts to counter Chinese dominance in critical mineral supply chains, though this development is accompanied by governance risks in the DRC and Zambia.

In 2025, African states navigated a multipolar landscape marked by a transactional US approach under the second Trump administration, which led to aid cuts and a push for domestic resource mobilisation in countries like Nigeria and Kenya. The AU-EU partnership faced skepticism over the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), while South Africa's hosting of the G20 Summit resulted in the G20 Africa Engagement Framework and proposals to reform sovereign credit rating practices. Geopolitical competition intensified in the Horn of Africa, exacerbated by Israel's recognition of Somaliland, and along the Lobito Corridor, where the US and EU compete with China to secure critical mineral supply chains and midstream processing capacity.

Somalia’s National Climate Change Action Plan (NCCAP) 2025–2030 provides a strategic roadmap to transition from climate planning to implementation. With a total estimated budget of USD 5.486 billion, the plan prioritizes adaptation across eight key sectors—including agriculture, water, and energy—while targeting a 34% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2035. The framework emphasizes climate justice, gender equality, and conflict sensitivity, recognizing climate change as a "threat multiplier" in Somalia's fragile socio-political context.

The research argues that Ethiopia, Senegal, and South Africa generally adopt a 'cautious' posture internationally—characterized by non-alignment and partnership diversification—while tending toward more 'assertive' approaches regionally. However, South Africa serves as a partial exception, exhibiting assertiveness internationally (notably regarding Gaza) and a more cautious or less effective approach regionally (such as in the DRC). The paper uses these cases to argue for a plural conception of 'African agencies' driven by national interest and the goal of strategic autonomy.

The report argues that maintaining secure maritime food trade is a US national security imperative, as disruptions to key chokepoints—specifically the Suez Canal, Panama Canal, and Strait of Malacca—can trigger cascading global risks. Using a strategic foresight approach, the authors analyze four scenarios based on the uncertainty of international cooperation and port infrastructure resilience. They find that climate stressors, such as a projected global warming increase of over 2°C by 2040, threaten agricultural productivity and port operability. These vulnerabilities can be exploited by hostile actors, such as Al-Shabaab in Somalia, to weaponize food and destabilize regions. The report recommends that the US incorporate maritime food trade resilience into its National Security Strategy, invest in climate-resilient infrastructure, and revitalize flexible development assistance to prevent the erosion of soft power and protect military supply chains.

The study finds a substantial disconnect between African climate commitments (NDCs) and national development blueprints (NDPs), with NDCs focusing on climate-centric sectors like energy and forestry while NDPs prioritize economic growth, finance, and the private sector. This 'parallel policy framework' is driven by institutional fragmentation, where NDCs are often externally funded and led by environment ministries, whereas NDPs are domestically anchored and led by economic planning ministries. The authors recommend a 'whole-of-government' approach to embed climate goals into national budgets and development strategies to maximize socio-economic co-benefits.

The report argues that the African Union Commission's reform, which reduced commissioners from eight to six, has led to institutional imbalances where crisis response overshadows conflict prevention. It highlights a significant funding gap for the new structure, costing an additional US$53 million. The document also analyzes the rise of military coups, attributing them to 'democratic subversions' such as the removal of term limits, and discusses the strain on Africa's humanitarian system due to conflict and climate shocks.