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In an address to the Kosovo, Africa and Humanitarian Intervention Conference, President Nelson Mandela highlights a "disparity of treatment" in how the international community responds to crises in different regions. He contrasts the readiness of the international community to intervene and commit resources to Kosovo with the failure to act during the genocide in Rwanda and the lack of promised support for peacekeeping in Sierra Leone. Mandela emphasizes that the lessons from the Independent International Commission on Kosovo should help advance dialogue on conflict resolution and calls for the global village to share concern for human suffering regardless of geography. He concludes by citing the Burundi peace process as a positive example of renewed international interest in African stability and reconstruction.

The document provides a comprehensive framework for Peace Support Operations (PSOs), distinguishing between peacekeeping and peace enforcement. It emphasizes the necessity of a political mandate, the role of impartiality, and the strategic use of both 'carrots' (consent-promoting techniques) and 'sticks' (coercion). The manual details the roles of international bodies like the UN and OAU, the importance of civil-military coordination, and the specific capabilities of joint forces (land, air, and sea) in stabilizing conflict zones to facilitate a self-sustaining peace.

The document examines the transition of African security from Cold War paradigms to a new era of 'human security' and regional peace support. It argues that traditional UN peacekeeping is often insufficient for African conflicts, which frequently require 'peace enforcement' and a more robust, integrated military doctrine. The text highlights the role of regional bodies like the OAU, ECOWAS, and SADC, while critiquing the 'ECOMOG model' for its reliance on regional hegemons like Nigeria and the use of private military companies. It also explores the phenomenon of 'warlordism,' where leaders exploit global markets and natural resources to sustain predatory armed factions in failing states. Finally, it advocates for security sector reform (SSR) that is 'indigenised' to African contexts rather than merely applying Eurocentric models.

The document analyzes South Africa's strategic options regarding the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) across three scenarios: a firm peace agreement, a shaky cease-fire, or the absence of a cease-fire. It critiques existing OAU and UN mechanisms as over-ambitious and under-resourced given the DRC's geography. The author introduces 'Renaissance peacekeeping'—a proposal by Thabo Mbeki to co-opt current belligerent statutory forces into a multinational peacekeeping force to ensure rapid deployment and local knowledge. While noting the risks of impartiality and the need for a 'lead nation' (potentially South Africa), the author concludes that South Africa is likely to be drawn into the conflict despite the high risk of mission failure due to fragile cease-fires.

The document examines the motivations and activities of US government agencies and private organisations in promoting stability in Africa. It argues that while the US has a profound humanitarian impulse and a stated interest in regional stability, its policy is primarily reactive and lacks a coherent, long-term strategy. The report details the roles of the Department of State, Department of Defense, and USAID, alongside the influence of the US Congress and various NGOs. Key initiatives of the Clinton era are analysed, including the African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI) and the African Growth and Opportunity Act, while providing strategic advice to African leaders on how to effectively engage with the fragmented US policy apparatus.

The monograph examines the geopolitical drivers of conflict in Africa, the operational structures of the UN and OAU, and the critical necessity of linking military peacekeeping with long-term peacebuilding and development. It highlights the OAU's Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution and analyzes specific missions in Mozambique, Angola, Rwanda, and Somalia to identify failures in logistics, intelligence, and coordination. The text argues that sustainable peace requires addressing root causes like poverty and poor governance through integrated strategies that involve local communities and a shift from 'winner-take-all' political cultures.

The report examines the complexities of humanitarian intervention in the post-Cold War era, where internal conflicts predominate over interstate wars. It argues that these conflicts are often driven by economic and political injustice and manipulated by 'conflict entrepreneurs' who mobilize ethnic identity for power. The text analyzes the ethical dilemmas of intervention through the Just War tradition, the systemic coordination failures between the UN and NGOs, and the specific dynamics of Russian interventions in the former Soviet south and emergent peace-keeping efforts in Africa.

The report argues that high food prices in Africa are driven by a combination of climate change, global shocks like the Russia-Ukraine war, and systemic market failures. It highlights extreme corporate concentration in seeds, agrochemicals, and trading, which allows a few firms to capture excess margins at the expense of small-scale farmers and urban consumers. Using maize and soybean markets in East and Southern Africa as case studies, the authors demonstrate how poor regional trade and market power lead to price spikes and reduced production. The document proposes an agenda for action centered on real-time market monitoring via the African Market Observatory, strengthened competition enforcement, and investments in climate-resilient infrastructure.

The Harare Declaration, adopted during the first African Conference on Debt and Development (AfCoDD) in August 2021, calls for a systemic overhaul of the global debt architecture to address the vulnerabilities of African nations. It highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated poverty and debt burdens, potentially pushing 39 million Africans into extreme poverty. The document criticizes the current system for prioritizing creditor interests over social and environmental justice, noting a shift toward commercial bonds and a lack of transparency in debt contraction. To counter this, the declaration proposes the creation of an African Monitoring and Control Mechanism, a Monetary Fund, and an African Bank. It further advocates for a feminist approach to macroeconomics, a green recovery aligned with the AU's Agenda 2063, and the possibility of collective debt default to break the cycle of neoliberal dependency.

The document examines how African public debt is rooted in colonial constructs and enforced through contract law, often perpetuating economic dependency. It analyzes the legal architecture at national and international levels, the various debt instruments used, and the systemic failures in transparency and accountability that lead to debt crises. The paper advocates for constitutional reforms, independent debt management offices, and a multilateral sovereign debt restructuring mechanism to ensure sustainable development and protect human rights.

The paper examines the limitations of short-term economic rescue measures in East Africa following Covid-19, advocating for a shift toward 'fiscal democracy' and 'civil protection' to address systemic vulnerabilities. It highlights how high public debt, illicit financial flows (IFFs), and a lack of public participation in fiscal policy undermine economic sustainability. The author calls for human rights-based approaches to tax justice and a return to civic education to empower citizens to hold governments accountable for service delivery and resource management.

The document examines how the Global Financial Architecture (GFA) disadvantages African nations through high borrowing costs, biased credit ratings, and a reliance on foreign currency debt. It critiques incremental reforms as insufficient and proposes radical shifts, including the creation of a resource-backed regional currency (African Financial Asset), the use of blockchain-based Decentralised Finance (DeFi), and the implementation of Land Value Taxation to fund development independently of predatory international markets.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) is implementing an Africa-led program to address energy poverty and economic development by expanding energy access and building a foundation for decarbonization. The program emphasizes the need for centralized grids and industrial energy use over a limited focus on micro-grids and solar home systems. Key activities include developing energy transition modeling for Sub-Saharan Africa, establishing technology innovation hubs in West and East Africa, and improving the financial health of utilities. CATF is seeking $10 million over five years to scale these efforts, with current projects in Kenya, Nigeria, and Ghana, and scoping activities in Rwanda and West Africa Power Pool member countries.

The document highlights that just 1% of Rwanda's estimated superhot rock geothermal resource could provide 41 GW of energy capacity, far exceeding the country's 2021 electricity consumption of 973 GWh. This resource could theoretically replace all fossil fuels used for electricity production, reducing emissions by approximately 0.3 megatonnes of CO2eq and decreasing dependence on coal imports from Tanzania. Additionally, superhot rock geothermal is presented as a highly land-efficient energy source requiring only 12 km² per 1 GW, compared to significantly higher requirements for solar, wind, and biomass.

The text emphasizes the urgent need to scale out community-based adaptation (CBA) through increased finance, noting that mitigation currently dominates climate funding. It highlights successful local initiatives in Colombia, Ethiopia, Uganda, Mozambique, and Vietnam, while praising Nepal's target of directing 80% of climate finance to the local level via its Local Adaptation Plans of Action (LAPA) programme.

The case study examines 'The Economics of Adaptation, Water Security and Climate Resilient Development in Africa' programme (2013-2015), which trained over 130 professionals across eight African nations. It highlights the effectiveness of combining professional workshops with mandatory Action Plans and mentor-mentee relationships to bridge the gap between training and implementation. Key outcomes included the integration of climate change into Tunisia's national planning terms of reference and the approval of a flood management project in Maputo, Mozambique.

The document describes the integration of resilience into infrastructure as a 'wicked problem' that requires moving beyond the thinking that created current challenges. While global agreements like the SDGs, the Paris Agreement, and the Sendai Framework provide a foundation, the author notes that weather-related disasters account for approximately 80% of global disasters, disproportionately affecting infrastructure in low-income countries. The text emphasizes a dual need for small-scale infrastructure for immediate disaster response and large-scale infrastructure for long-term climate variability. It highlights the work of CDKN and the Global Water Partnership (GWP) in Kenya, Rwanda, Ethiopia, and Tanzania to move from policy frameworks to the mainstreaming of climate into infrastructure design and delivery.

The CDKN's Africa START research call provides £300,000 for 16 projects and £150,000 for management and a learning forum. The funded research addresses diverse climate risks across Africa, including forest degradation in Nigeria and Cameroon, water management in Benin and Ethiopia, and coastal lagoon sensitivity in North Africa, all aimed at enhancing food security and rural livelihoods.

The Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) provides research, technical assistance, and knowledge dissemination to help developing countries integrate low-carbon and resilient growth into their national policies. Funded by the UK's DFID and the Netherlands' DGIS, CDKN focuses on four strategic themes: climate-compatible development plans, improving access to climate finance, disaster risk management, and supporting negotiators from the least developed and most vulnerable countries. The organization operates in over 40 countries across Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean, aiming to improve the quality of life for those most affected by climate change through a demand-driven approach.

The Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) provides research, technical assistance, and advocacy to help developing countries integrate climate resilience and low-carbon growth into their national policies. Operating across Africa, Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean, CDKN focuses on four strategic themes: climate compatible development strategies, access to climate finance, disaster risk management, and support for international climate negotiators from vulnerable nations. The network is funded by the UK Department for International Development (DFID) and the Netherlands Foreign Ministry (DGIS).