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The Adaptation Fund lacks a formal, transparent methodology for defining and measuring 'particular vulnerability,' leading to an ad hoc allocation process. An analysis of 48 proposals (25 approved) shows that funding has reached a wide range of socio-economic conditions and HDI levels, with no clear pattern correlating approvals to national vulnerability indices. While the fund prioritizes concrete adaptation measures in agriculture and water, the absence of standardized vulnerability criteria undermines the ability to systematically compare project merits or ensure that the most vulnerable populations are prioritized.

The policy brief argues that current systems for tracking climate finance are fragmented and insufficient, calling for a robust MRV framework within the UNFCCC to build trust between donors and recipients. It highlights the political nature of defining 'climate finance' and 'new and additional' funds, while warning against double-counting and the risk of narrow definitions hindering broader development goals.

The 2011-2012 CDKN Partner Survey reveals high satisfaction with the network's information products, particularly its publications and newsletter, with higher approval ratings from partners in the South. While over 83% of respondents found CDKN effective at facilitating knowledge sharing, there were significant criticisms regarding its procurement processes and the administrative burden placed on partners, especially smaller organisations and individual consultants. Partners suggested a greater focus on grassroots support in developing countries and the creation of more practical, field-based partnerships.

The report analyzes the challenges of the Afghan conflict, emphasizing the need for a proactive, inclusive peace process. It suggests that successful negotiations require third-party facilitation, a structured negotiating framework, and transitional arrangements to manage security and governance. The authors argue against narrow power-sharing between elites, proposing instead a multidimensional approach involving power-sharing, power-dividing, power-creating, and power-diffusing mechanisms across political, military, territorial, and economic dimensions to ensure long-term stability and legitimacy.

The research paper examines how the US adapted to asymmetric warfare after 9/11 by rapidly expanding its use of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and Special Forces. It details the scale of UAV deployment, the shift toward 'network-centric' warfare, and the resulting geopolitical tensions and ethical risks, such as the 'Playstation syndrome' and the potential for a global arms race involving Russia and China. The author also highlights the role of the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) and the Navy SEALs in covert operations across multiple continents, arguing that these developments have revolutionised 21st-century warfare and necessitate international legal scrutiny, particularly regarding operations in Africa.

The report concludes that the Hong Kong Convention does not provide an equivalent level of control to the Basel Convention and therefore fails to ensure the environmentally sound management of shipbreaking. It argues that the Hong Kong Convention undermines key Basel protections through narrower scope, a weaker notification system that allows tacit consent, a lack of criminalization for illegal traffic, and the absence of a duty to re-import waste. Furthermore, the analysis finds that the Hong Kong Convention fails to sufficiently consider the interests of developing countries, where most shipbreaking occurs, by lacking funding mechanisms and mandatory minimum standards to phase out dangerous 'beaching' practices.

The author questions the strategic value of South Africa joining the BRICs, noting that the group is an informal construct rather than a coherent political or economic bloc. The paper argues that BRICs membership does not inherently improve trade and investment opportunities, as bilateral barriers persist and the group includes economic competitors. Furthermore, the author suggests that joining the BRICs may undermine the IBSA Dialogue Forum and contradict South Africa's image as an assertive regional power.

The report analyzes the surge in foreign acquisitions and long-term leases of agricultural land and water, driven by food and energy security concerns and the 2008 food crisis. It highlights a critical lack of transparency and public contracts, which obscures the impact on local communities. The authors argue that a complex interplay between national laws, investment contracts, and International Investment Agreements (IIAs) often prioritizes foreign investor protections over the rights of local users and the regulatory autonomy of host states, potentially hindering sustainable development and public health measures.

The report argues that a well-functioning security sector is the foundation of state stability and that defence must be integrated into government-wide structures to be effective. It critiques traditional 'civil-military relations' theories that view the military primarily as a threat to be controlled, suggesting instead that the military should be seen as a public service providing force or the threat of force to support state policy. The author emphasizes a 'task-based' rather than 'threat-based' approach to security policy and advocates for integrated hierarchies in ministries of defence to foster cooperation between civilian and military personnel. The text also details the technical aspects of intelligence collection, the management of defence budgets, and the importance of democratic accountability through parliament and transparency.

The document analyzes the US engagement in Afghanistan, tracing the shift from a narrow focus on eliminating Al Qaeda and the Taliban to various military models, including the 'Afghan model', the 'American model', and counter-insurgency (COIN). It argues that despite adopting a 'comprehensive approach' at the 2006 Riga summit, US policy remained dominated by kinetic military operations, often alienating the local population and empowering warlords. The paper concludes that the militarization of policy and the use of military-led Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) limited the effectiveness of nation-building efforts.

The Hindu Kush-Himalayan-Tibetan (HKHT) region is warming twice as fast as the global average, with temperatures increasing by 1.2 °C over the last 120 years. This warming, driven by CO2 and black carbon (BC), is causing widespread glacier retreat and a weakening of the South Asian monsoon system. Black carbon, a byproduct of incomplete combustion from fossil fuels and biomass, reduces snow albedo and heats the lower atmosphere via Atmospheric Brown Clouds (ABCs), potentially playing a role as significant as CO2 in melting Himalayan glaciers. These changes threaten water security for millions, including 500 million people in the Ganges River Basin, and increase the frequency of glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs).

India faces a growing gap between energy demand and indigenous supply, projecting it will become the world's third largest energy consumer by 2030. To address this, India is implementing an integrated energy policy focusing on diversifying sources—including increased imports of high-quality coal from South Africa and oil from Africa—while expanding nuclear, hydropower, and renewable energy capacities. Significant challenges remain, including unreliable infrastructure, high transmission losses, and geopolitical tensions affecting pipeline viability.

The document provides a comprehensive survey of quantitative research on the health impacts of climate change, categorizing studies by their methodological approach (primary, secondary, and comparative risk assessments) and the statistical models employed (time-series, non-parametric, and panel/spatial models). It highlights the complex relationship between climatic variables and diseases, particularly malaria, and reviews major global reports from the WHO and the Stern Review to outline the broader economic and public health implications of global warming.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) critiques the UK's Strategic Defence and Security Review for excluding nuclear weapons and maintaining an oversized military budget. SGR advocates for a 25% reduction in military spending, the cancellation of the Trident replacement system, and the retirement of various offensive conventional weapons. The organization argues that funds should be redirected toward tackling the roots of insecurity, such as poverty and unsustainable natural resource consumption, to improve energy security and mitigate climate change.

The document argues that media outlets have a duty to connect the dots between a warming climate and the devastating weather events of 2010, such as heatwaves in Russia and flooding in Pakistan. It asserts that climate change will increase the frequency of severe weather, decrease crop yields, and worsen air quality, providing a list of scientific and journalistic resources to support this coverage.

The report examines the gender gap in the Norwegian Armed Forces (NAF) and other NATO countries, arguing that while national recruitment is a prerequisite for female participation in international missions, it is not sufficient on its own. Despite implementing numerous initiatives, Norway has seen slow growth in female personnel, trailing behind countries like Canada, France, and the United States. The author analyzes NATO's recommended best practices across recruitment, employment, operational planning, and quality of life, noting that many states prioritize equal rights over the instrumental operational value of women. The report specifically highlights Canada's 'employer of choice' strategy as a successful model for Norway to consider, while cautioning that mandatory conscription for women in Norway may be premature without a deeper understanding of female motivation for military service.

The document evaluates the outcomes of the 2010 NPT Review Conference, highlighting the tension between the aspirations of Non-Nuclear Weapon States (NNWS), particularly those in Africa, and the reluctance of Nuclear Weapon States (NWS) to commit to firm disarmament timelines. While it notes achievements such as the agreement to convene a conference on a Middle East nuclear-weapon-free zone in 2012 and the reaffirmation of the right to peaceful nuclear energy, it argues that the final document largely maintains the status quo. The authors emphasize the importance of the Treaty of Pelindaba and the need for a comprehensive Nuclear Weapons Convention to move beyond the NPT's perceived discriminatory structure.

The Pilot Project Pakistan (PPP), launched in 2008, tested a model to support Norwegian-Pakistani organizations that did not meet standard Norad funding requirements. The project utilized a dual-resource structure with a secretariat in Norway (Development Fund and Norwegian Church Aid) and a resource organization in Pakistan (Sungi) to provide capacity building, project guidance, and monitoring. The review found that the PPP successfully increased the development impact of diaspora initiatives and fostered the inclusion of diaspora groups in Norwegian society. Key successes included the transition of some participants to regular Norad funding and the creation of networking synergies. However, challenges remained regarding the 50-50 funding ratio, the need for better needs-assessments for training, and the vulnerability of local partners to staff turnover. The report recommends establishing a long-term resource centre for diaspora organizations to provide ongoing competence building and coordination.

The document advocates for targeting black carbon—a potent short-lived climate forcer—as a 'no regrets' strategy to slow near-term global warming and reduce premature deaths. It identifies diesel engines, cook stoves, and agricultural burning as primary controllable sources and proposes specific regulatory and financial mechanisms, such as diesel particulate filters and clean stove deployment, to address them.

The research paper analyzes Germany's engagement with the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) up to July 2009, arguing that both the global mechanism and German state policy prioritize the quantity of Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) over the quality of sustainable development. The author finds that German projects are heavily concentrated in Asia, particularly China and India, and are dominated by large-scale industrial 'end-of-pipe' projects that offer minimal sustainable development benefits. The document concludes that the German government uses the CDM primarily as a tool for economic and export promotion rather than as a means to achieve genuine climate and development goals, thereby 'abusing' the mechanism's original purpose.