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The Green Climate Fund has selected Panama City (Panama), Amman (Jordan), Nairobi (Kenya), and Abidjan (Côte d’Ivoire) as the locations for its regional offices. The Secretariat is tasked with negotiating host country agreements and operationalizing this regional presence according to a specific implementation plan, aiming for long-term budget neutrality within the existing administrative budget.

The report presents survey results from 920 economics students and graduates across 85 countries, finding that a vast majority believe the discipline's reliance on neoclassical economics fails to prepare them for real-world crises. Key findings highlight a lack of teaching on alternatives to the price mechanism during pandemics, the absence of links between the economy and the environment, and a failure to address systemic racial and gender biases. The authors advocate for curriculum reform that incorporates other social sciences and diverse schools of thought to produce economists capable of addressing contemporary global challenges.

The document examines the evolution of industrial policy in the digital age, using Kenya as a primary case study to illustrate the risks of 'industrial thinness.' It argues that while Kenya has successfully integrated into global digital service markets, the lack of national control over data and algorithmic infrastructure leads to a form of informational dependency similar to the 'resource trap.' The authors emphasize that digital transformation must integrate decent work standards and data sovereignty to prevent the reproduction of extractive economic models. The paper calls for coordinated national, regional (via the AfCFTA), and multilateral actions to ensure that digital dividends are captured locally rather than exported to global platform monopolies.

The paper examines the evolution of industrial policy from physical factories to digital platforms, using Kenya as a primary case study. It argues that while Kenya has successfully integrated into global digital supply chains—becoming a major exporter of digital labor—it suffers from 'industrial thinness' because it lacks control over the data and algorithms that drive value. The authors contend that without robust data governance, labor protections, and regional cooperation, digitalization in low- and middle-income countries risks replicating extractive resource patterns. They advocate for a coordinated approach linking trade, labor, and industrial policies to ensure a 'just transition' and national value capture.

US and UK envoys visited Mogadishu to discuss the end of Somalia's transition period and allegations of corruption within the Transitional Federal Government. A World Bank report cited corruption totaling US$ 130 million, including the misuse of donor funding. The US government reaffirmed its intent to use targeted sanctions, such as travel bans and asset freezes, against those sabotaging the peace process. Additionally, the US has offered a US$ 33 million bounty for seven Al-Shabaab leaders to potentially induce internal divisions within the group.

This briefing by the Institute for Security Studies examines the drivers of rising insecurity and terror attacks in Kenya, specifically those attributed to Al-Shabaab. The authors argue that addressing the crisis requires a combination of regional cooperation to curb arms proliferation, increased intelligence gathering with civilian support, and the mitigation of socio-economic grievances such as youth unemployment and marginalisation.

The report analyzes UN discourse on small arms and light weapons (SALW) from 2001 to 2003, concluding that gender perspectives remain marginalized. The authors find that when gender is mentioned, women are almost exclusively characterized as passive victims, while the specific impacts on men and the active roles of women as peace-builders are largely ignored. While NGOs and international organizations demonstrate a more nuanced understanding of gender, member state delegations often lack expertise or prioritize other issues. The document recommends bridging the gap between gender experts and policymakers through targeted education and coordinated advocacy to ensure that the 2006 Review Conference on SALW reflects the diverse experiences of both men and women.

The report argues that traditional state-led security policies in Kenya, which focus on coercive disarmament and supply-side regulation, are ineffective in 'borderlands' where government presence is limited. Instead, it highlights the success of community-based organizations (CBOs) and NGOs in reducing the demand for small arms and light weapons (SALW) by addressing root causes such as poverty, resource competition, and identity-based conflict. Through case studies in Nairobi, Marsabit, Isiolo, the Northeastern Province, Tana River, and the North Rift, the author demonstrates that integrating development, education, and customary law into security frameworks can shrink gun markets from the bottom up.

This document is a Terms of Reference (ToR) prepared by Kurrent Technologies Ltd. for the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA) to guide an Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) for a proposed 1,050MW coal-fired power plant in Lamu County, Kenya. The project, proposed by Amu Power Company Limited, aims to increase Kenya's generation capacity to meet growing electricity demand using super-critical technology.

The Climate Justice Movement (CJM) in Kenya is a decentralized coalition of civil society, grassroots organizations, and indigenous groups working to address unequal climate impacts. While the movement has successfully influenced policy and established a strong grassroots presence, it faces challenges including internal leadership disputes, limited funding, and coordination gaps. The study highlights the importance of the Financing Locally Led Climate Action (FLLoCA) program and the need for better gender mainstreaming and technical capacity building to ensure equitable climate action.

The National Environment Tribunal (NET) revoked the EIA licence for Amu Power Company Limited's proposed 1050MW coal plant in Kwasasi, Lamu County. The tribunal found that public participation was "non-existent" during the ESIA study phase and that the process was "procedurally unfair." Key failures included the lack of a Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) for the LAPSSET corridor, the omission of critical infrastructure designs (such as a 2,000-acre limestone quarry and conveyor belt), and a failure to account for Kenya's Climate Change Act, 2016. While some air quality and ecological mitigation measures were deemed adequate, the tribunal found the ash-handling plans risky due to tidal flooding and climate change. Consequently, the licence was revoked, requiring the proponent to either restart the ESIA process in accordance with the law or appeal the decision.

The guide explains how to use a map that identifies land parcels in Turkana, Samburu, Meru, Isiolo, Garissa, and Lamu counties earmarked for the LAPSSET Corridor Project. It details the project's components, the map's data sources from the National Land Commission (NLC), and the legal eight-step process for compulsory land acquisition and compensation in Kenya.

Natural Justice submitted written comments to the National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA) challenging the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) for the proposed Nairobi Expressway Project. The organization argues that the ESIA is fundamentally flawed due to the absence of a Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA), inadequate baseline data, a lack of alternatives analysis, and insufficient public participation, concluding that the report cannot serve as a reasonable basis for issuing an EIA Licence.

The African Activists for Climate Justice (AACJ) project, implemented by a consortium including Natural Justice, PACJA, Oxfam Novib, AYC, and FEMNET/RECODEF, reports significant progress between 2021 and 2023 in advancing climate justice. Key activities include legal training for judicial actors in West Africa, community-led audits of coal plants, and the creation of youth and women's climate networks. In Senegal, the project supported legal action against industrial pollution in Cayar, influenced the national environmental code, and trained over 700 people in legal empowerment to defend their natural capital.

This document is a series of annexes from an Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) report for the proposed Nairobi Expressway project. It includes technical specifications of the road's alignment, biodiversity data, minutes from public consultation meetings held in November and December 2019, and detailed plans for the relocation of water, sewer, and power utilities.

The report evaluates the Climate Justice Movement (CJM) in Kenya, highlighting its role in shaping the Climate Change Act of 2016 and its ongoing efforts in policy advocacy and community resilience. While the movement is diverse—comprising CBOs, NGOs, and indigenous groups—it faces significant challenges, including shrinking civic space, internal fragmentation, and limited inclusion of Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPLCs) in formal decision-making. The study recommends operationalizing the CJM engagement framework, resolving power struggles over civil society representation in the National Climate Change Council, and adopting intersectional, gender-transformative approaches to climate action.

The research explores the role of the Norwegian-Somali community as a foreign policy actor, bridging the gap between 'ethnic lobby' literature and transnational migration studies. Through interviews and case analysis, the authors argue that the diaspora successfully influenced Norway's shift to criticize Ethiopia's 2006-2007 military intervention in Somalia and encouraged the creation of the Special Financing Facility (Trust Fund) to support the Somali government. The study identifies key enabling factors for this influence, including the diaspora's concentration in urban centers like Oslo, their high level of political engagement, and their ability to provide Norwegian decision-makers with direct access to Somali political elites. However, the authors note that the diaspora is not a unitary actor, with significant internal divisions based on clan and region, such as the Somaliland diaspora's unsuccessful lobbying for independent state recognition.

The authors contend that African urbanization is a demographic megatrend that reshapes politics in diverse, context-specific ways. They reject a uniform 'urban effect,' proposing instead that political changes—such as shifts in citizen preferences, elite incentives, and forms of mobilization—are the direct result of territorially-situated power struggles and the specific social relations produced within built environments. The paper examines six domains: citizen preferences, elite interests, political mobilization, gender roles, civil society, and contentious collective action, highlighting how these are mediated by the unique histories and physical characteristics of different urban places.

The research paper examines the psychological mechanisms through which political violence fuels intergroup conflict, focusing on the distinction between selective and indiscriminate violence. Using panel surveys and endorsement experiments in Nairobi and Mombasa during the 2017 Kenyan elections, the authors test the 'cognitive perspective' of group identification. They find that indiscriminate violence—attacks that target populations regardless of individual guilt—induces fear of future victimization, which subsequently increases prejudice and support for social segregation. These effects were statistically significant among Christian respondents, while results for Muslim respondents were less clear due to smaller sample sizes and different dynamics, such as fear of state retribution following Islamist attacks.

The study finds that rural-urban migration itself does not cause urban violence. Instead, lethal urban political violence is associated with the socioeconomic marginalization of rural-urban migrants—specifically relative deprivation in terms of household assets and access to public services—as well as unequal access to education within the city population.