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The report finds that human-induced climate change significantly increased the frequency and intensity of extreme heat globally from May 2024 to May 2025, affecting billions of people and making all 67 identified significant heat events more likely. It highlights the disproportionate impact on vulnerable populations and the systemic failure to accurately document heat-related mortality, while advocating for a combination of urban heat action plans and aggressive fossil fuel mitigation.

The report examines the operational and policy failures of the US Export-Import Bank (EXIM), arguing that its outdated risk appetite and domestic content requirements hinder US competitiveness in the global energy transition. It highlights the leadership of foreign export credit agencies (ECAs) from China, Germany, Japan, and India in supporting clean tech and recommends specific legislative and procedural reforms—including raising the default rate cap and expanding support for critical material inputs—to ensure US high-tech industries can meet growing global demand for advanced energy solutions.

The document examines China's role as the dominant economy in the expanded BRICS bloc, arguing that China views the group as a tool to counter Western hegemony and advance its own geopolitical goals, such as the Belt and Road Initiative. While the bloc has achieved significant milestones through the New Development Bank and advocacy for climate justice, the paper highlights severe internal tensions—particularly between China and India—and regional rivalries among new members like Iran and Saudi Arabia that may hinder the bloc's cohesion.

The document examines the potential for rechannelling Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) from wealthy IMF member states to Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs), specifically the African Development Bank (AfDB), to address Africa's annual financing gap of over $400 billion. It details a proposal where SDRs would serve as hybrid capital, allowing the AfDB to leverage funds up to four times on capital markets. The brief identifies significant political and legal barriers, including the European Central Bank's (ECB) monetary financing prohibition and the lack of formal commitment from major holders like China, Japan, and the US. It recommends that South Africa's G20 presidency use diplomacy to seek ECB clarification, coordinate a Liquidity Support Agreement (LSA) with bilateral partners, and explore innovative fiscal tools such as SDR bonds or direct allocations to prescribed holders.

The document analyzes the factors driving the high demand for BRICS membership, introducing the concept of 'magnetic pull'—where ideas about development and systemic reform act as coalition magnets. It traces the group's expansion from South Africa's entry in 2010 to the 2023 enlargement (adding Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE) and the 2024 introduction of a 'Partner Country' category. While the group's appeal is rooted in South-South cooperation and de-dollarization, the author notes challenges to internal cohesion and the limits of its attraction, as seen in Argentina's rejection of membership.

The research paper examines the gap between constitutional human rights declarations and actual implementation within BRICS nations. It argues that the organisation, now expanded to include several non-democratic states, may function as a shield for autocratic regimes to avoid Western-led human rights sanctions while pursuing economic and geopolitical influence. The author highlights systemic violations across member states, including democratic backsliding in Brazil and India, war crimes in Russia, state-sponsored forced labour in China, and systemic corruption and xenophobia in South Africa, concluding that BRICS members often instrumentalise human rights rhetoric to assert regional dominance.

Greece serves as a front-line state for the EU, managing mixed migratory flows through a policy that prioritizes deterrence over legal migration. While the country has seen shifts in arriving nationalities—with increases in Egyptians, Palestinians, and Iraqis—it faces significant challenges in the social and economic integration of refugees and asylum seekers. The government is currently attempting to expand legal labor pathways through bilateral agreements and domestic reforms to address labor shortages, while continuing to rely on EU funding to maintain border security and reception infrastructure.

The document examines the Eastern Mediterranean migration route, highlighting a shift toward deterrence policies across both EU member states (Greece, Cyprus) and neighboring countries (Egypt, Lebanon). It analyzes how EU external migration policy encourages these nations to act as 'gatekeepers' through financial and technical support in exchange for border management and the reduction of irregular departures. The report details specific mobility patterns, such as the surge in Egyptian migration via Libya and the displacement of Syrians and Lebanese due to regional conflict, while noting a systemic lack of legal migration pathways and significant barriers to healthcare, education, and employment for refugees and migrants across all four countries.

Egypt is increasingly a destination and transit point for migrants from Africa and the MENA region, while simultaneously seeing a surge in its own citizens emigrating to the EU due to severe economic instability. The document details how Egypt leverages its geopolitical position to secure EU financial support and strategic partnerships, primarily focusing on curbing irregular migration and managing refugees. It highlights the critical impact of IMF-mandated austerity, currency devaluation, and climate change—specifically sea-level rise in the Nile Delta and water security threats from Ethiopia's Grand Renaissance Dam—as primary drivers of displacement and emigration.

Global Energy Monitor (GEM) identifies that five major oil and gas plant owners failed to disclose 10.7 million tonnes of CO2 emissions in 2022, resulting in an annual social cost of $2 billion. The report highlights how companies use the 'operational control' and 'financial control' approaches of the Greenhouse Gas Protocol to exclude assets from their reporting boundaries. Specifically, the Saudi Electricity Company failed to disclose over 7 million tonnes of CO2 from three plants, representing $1.3 billion in annual climate costs. Other analyzed entities, including Egyptian Electricity Holding Company, Calpine Corporation, Chubu Electric Power Co. Inc., and Entergy Corporation, also exhibited gaps between their reported emissions and their actual asset ownership.

The New Development Bank (NDB) has expanded its mandate to support climate action and sustainable development but faces challenges including aligning financing with local currency and non-sovereign lending.

The author contends that hosting COP29 in Azerbaijan—a country with an authoritarian regime and a growing fossil fuel industry—threatens the summit's potential for real change. The text highlights Azerbaijan's lack of net-zero targets, its expansion of gas production, and its poor human rights record, including the detention of environmental activists. It also criticizes the European Union for increasing gas imports from Azerbaijan, which the author claims bolsters the regime's power. Finally, the document calls for the UN to reform the COP host selection process by introducing mandatory climate action and human rights requirements.

Reclaim Finance outlines the stakes for COP29, emphasizing that the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) for North-South climate finance should be at least a trillion dollars and provided as grants or grant-equivalents. The organization warns against allowing private finance or carbon offsets to count toward these public obligations, noting that private capital often bypasses the poorest communities and adaptation projects. While acknowledging the role of private finance in tripling renewable energy, the document criticizes the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero (GFANZ) for its failure to restrict fossil fuel financing and the methodological flaws in Net-Zero Banking Alliance targets. It further highlights the failure of Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs) in South Africa, Indonesia, and Vietnam due to a lack of concessional funding and private sector risk aversion.

The Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) is a financial market infrastructure designed to enable instant cross-border payments across Africa using local currencies, reducing reliance on foreign currencies like the US dollar and Euro. While supported by the AU and AfCFTA, the system faces significant hurdles, including low awareness—with 39% of business leaders unaware of it—and fragmented regulatory frameworks. Despite these challenges, as of May 2024, 13 African central banks, over 115 commercial banks, and 10 payment switches have connected to the system. The report recommends harmonizing regulations, investing in digital infrastructure, and improving data transparency to unlock the system's potential for economic integration.

The report analyzes the roles of Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt as transit and destination hubs for migrants moving from sub-Saharan Africa toward Europe. It highlights a systemic tension between the European Union's focus on border externalization and the African Union's goal of regional free movement. In Libya, state fragmentation has allowed smuggling networks and militias to control migration routes, leading to severe human rights abuses. Tunisia has seen a surge in sub-Saharan migrants and relies heavily on EU-funded border security despite lacking a national asylum policy. Egypt hosts approximately nine million migrants and maintains a more stable governance structure, though it has recently implemented stricter visa restrictions for Sudanese nationals. The report argues that current securitized approaches often drive migrants toward riskier routes and recommends a shift toward human rights, economic development, and the ratification of the AU Free Movement Protocol.

The Madrid Conference, co-chaired by the US and Soviet Union, established a dual-track peace process consisting of bilateral negotiations between Israel and its Arab neighbors and multilateral thematic working groups. While the US successfully secured the participation of key parties—including a joint Jordanian-Palestinian delegation—the process struggled with Israeli and Syrian intransigence. The author contends that the loss of momentum following US Secretary of State James Baker's departure and the subsequent shift toward the direct Israel-Palestine negotiations of the 1993 Oslo Agreement ended the multilateral structure of the Madrid/Washington process.

The BRICS bloc is reaching a milestone where non-fossil power capacity is set to exceed fossil-fueled capacity for the first time in 2024. While the group hosts a significant portion of the world's coal fleet and continues to develop new fossil plants, there is a massive pipeline of wind and solar projects. The report finds that the BRICS countries have enough renewables in development to nearly triple their capacity by 2030, though the actual construction rate varies significantly by member, with China leading the transition.

The document examines the evolution of BRICS from a financial acronym to an intergovernmental group, focusing on its annual declarations. It finds that while BRICS successfully used the G20 to push for reforms in the IMF and World Bank following the 2007-8 financial crisis, there remains a significant gap between its high-level declarative statements and actual collective policy implementation.

The paper examines the evolution of BRICS from a financial acronym to an intergovernmental configuration, focusing on its first ten annual declarations. It argues that while BRICS successfully projects a vision of representing the 'majority world' and achieved early wins in reforming global financial institutions via the G20, there remains a significant lack of clarity regarding collective policy coordination and the actual implementation of its broader declarative statements.

The Gender Action Plan for the GCF-IFC Scaling Resilient Water Infrastructure (RWI) Facility aims to increase women's economic participation in climate-resilient water infrastructure. The plan focuses on integrating women as leaders, employees, suppliers, and consumers through gender-smart solutions, gender diagnostics for all projects, and the mitigation of gender-based violence and harassment (GBVH). Key targets include ensuring all projects are gender flagged and screened for GBVH risks, with a program-level budget of $160-200K for initial gender screenings.