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The document translates the global scientific findings of the IPCC SREX report into a regional context for Africa, emphasizing that disaster risk is increasing due to both climate change and socio-economic factors. It argues for an integrated approach that combines disaster risk management (DRM) with climate change adaptation (CCA) and sustainable development. Key regional findings include projected increases in heatwaves and droughts in Southern Africa and increased heavy precipitation in Eastern Africa. The report highlights the extreme vulnerability of coastal cities and the agricultural sector, while advocating for national legislative frameworks, early warning systems, and international financial mechanisms to build long-term resilience.

This report documents the 5th African Conference of Commandants (ACoC), held from 28–30 November 2011 in Gaborone, Botswana. The conference brought together commandants from African Staff Colleges to discuss the impact of globalisation on human rights, the proliferation of small arms, gender equality in the military, and the standardisation of military education to support the African Standby Force (ASF) and peace support operations (PSOs).

The document examines how the Syrian conflict destabilizes the 'resistance front' (Syria, Iran, Hizballah, and Hamas) and alters regional power balances. In Lebanon, the crisis exacerbates sectarian tensions and threatens Hizballah's strategic supply lines. In the Occupied Palestinian Territories, it has forced Hamas to shift its political alignment from Damascus to Qatar and Egypt, potentially strengthening Hamas relative to Fatah but not necessarily advancing the Palestinian national cause. The authors argue that the 'new Arab cold war' framework is becoming less relevant as the Syrian regime collapses and regional actors like Egypt seek new diplomatic paths.

The report analyzes the geopolitical tensions arising from natural gas discoveries in the Cyprus Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), particularly the conflict between the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and Turkey. It explores how these resources could either catalyze a political settlement or exacerbate regional instability. Additionally, it provides a comparative analysis of wealth management, contrasting the 'resource curse' seen in Sudan with the successful 'Norwegian model' to offer guidance for Cyprus on avoiding economic pitfalls like 'Dutch disease'.

The report examines the transition of Turkish foreign policy under the AKP from a non-interventionist stance to a pro-active 'zero problems with neighbours' approach. It argues that the Arab Spring, particularly the civil war in Syria, has forced a return to more pragmatic and security-oriented policies. A central theme is the 'existential fear of Kurdish separatism,' as autonomy in northern Iraq and Syria threatens Turkey's internal stability and reignites conflict with the PKK. While Turkey has achieved economic growth and a 'middle power' status, its soft power is undermined by domestic democratic deficiencies and the imprisonment of journalists and political opponents.

The MENA region faces severe climate vulnerability characterized by warming and water scarcity, yet adaptation and mitigation efforts are often siloed. The document proposes a 'nexus' approach that integrates water and energy planning to identify synergies, such as solar desalination or energy recovery from wastewater, and recommends the use of integrated tools like WEAP and LEAP to move beyond reactive, short-term coping measures.

The Adaptation Fund lacks a formal, transparent methodology for defining and measuring 'particular vulnerability,' leading to an ad hoc allocation process. An analysis of 48 proposals (25 approved) shows that funding has reached a wide range of socio-economic conditions and HDI levels, with no clear pattern correlating approvals to national vulnerability indices. While the fund prioritizes concrete adaptation measures in agriculture and water, the absence of standardized vulnerability criteria undermines the ability to systematically compare project merits or ensure that the most vulnerable populations are prioritized.

The document is a practical resource kit developed by the World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) and the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) to address gender disparities in media content. It provides specific guidelines for reporting on climate change, disasters, economics, sexual and reproductive health, human trafficking, peace and security, politics, and gender-based violence. Each section includes a case study analysis to demonstrate common pitfalls—such as the invisibility of women in economic news or the stereotyping of female political leaders—and offers actionable advice to ensure a more balanced, ethical, and inclusive journalistic approach.

The 2011-2012 CDKN Partner Survey reveals high satisfaction with the network's information products, particularly its publications and newsletter, with higher approval ratings from partners in the South. While over 83% of respondents found CDKN effective at facilitating knowledge sharing, there were significant criticisms regarding its procurement processes and the administrative burden placed on partners, especially smaller organisations and individual consultants. Partners suggested a greater focus on grassroots support in developing countries and the creation of more practical, field-based partnerships.

The document examines how different financial instruments and institutions define and calculate 'leverage'—the ability of public funds to catalyze additional investment. It finds that leverage is often conflated with co-financing and varies wildly by instrument, making cross-comparison nearly impossible. The authors propose a new framework based on counterfactuals, risk mitigation, and the avoidance of double counting to improve the rigor of climate finance reporting.

The paper examines how the 'full protection and security' (FPS) standard has evolved from a narrow focus on physical security to a broader interpretation including legal and commercial security. It analyzes conflicting arbitral rulings on whether FPS is an independent treaty standard or reflects the customary international law minimum standard of treatment for aliens. The author highlights the risks for developing states, noting a 46% success rate for investors in FPS claims over 21 years, and suggests that states should explicitly define the scope of FPS in treaties to avoid expansive interpretations by tribunals.

The report examines 17 arbitral awards from ICSID, UNCITRAL, and SCC tribunals between September 2010 and October 2011. It highlights ongoing controversies over the definition of 'investment,' including the inclusion of sovereign debt and commercial contracts. It discusses the 'pick and choose' approach to Most-Favoured Nation (MFN) clauses, the high threshold for proving expropriation, and the broad interpretation of Fair and Equitable Treatment (FET) standards. The document also notes the rejection of jurisdiction in cases where investors failed to prove 'real economic activity' or where national investment laws lacked explicit consent to international arbitration.

The document analyzes the cement industry's response to carbon pricing, highlighting that while short-term impacts involve limited cost pass-through to consumers, long-term risks include the relocation of production to non-constrained regions. It argues that border adjustment measures (BAM) are more effective than free allowances at preserving carbon price signals and deterring investment leakage, particularly given the capital-intensive nature of the industry and high regional variations in production costs.

The report assesses critical security and political risks across several African nations. In Libya, it highlights the challenges of the National Transitional Council (NTC) in establishing law and order and an inclusive government post-Gaddafi. In Egypt, it examines the volatile transition under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCOAF) and the rising influence of Islamist groups. In Guinea, it analyzes the fragility of democracy following an attempted coup in July 2011. In Malawi, it details the economic and political crisis resulting from the suspension of UK budget support and violent protests. Finally, it reviews the AU's response to the severe drought and famine in the Horn of Africa, specifically Somalia, under the principle of non-indifference.

The document examines the role of business delegations in South African state visits from 2009 to 2010, highlighting the collaboration between Business Unity South Africa (BUSA) and the Department of Trade and Industry (dti). While these visits facilitate networking and government understanding of private sector needs, they face challenges including lack of dedicated funding, poor strategic planning, and concerns over political representivity. The author recommends a new model with clearer roles, dedicated resources, and pre-visit reconnaissance to maximize economic outcomes.

The document examines the political motivations behind hosting mega sport events (MSEs), contrasting the experiences of Germany (2006) and South Africa (2010). It argues that while MSEs are often promoted for economic gain, these expectations are rarely met. Instead, states use them for 'soft power'—using attraction and positive attributes to achieve policy goals. Germany focused on rebranding itself as a modern, welcoming nation to move past its Nazi history. South Africa used the event to project regional leadership, championing an 'Africa first' narrative to combat 'afro-pessimism' and position itself as the continent's representative. The author concludes that developing nations may rely more heavily on MSEs for soft power due to a lack of traditional international influence, though they face higher resource strains and opportunity costs.

The report denounces the Principles for Responsible Agricultural Investment (RAI) as a mechanism to legitimise 'land grabbing' by corporations and governments. It argues that voluntary guidelines cannot remedy the systemic human rights violations, environmental destruction, and food insecurity caused by large-scale land acquisitions, which it claims are driven by financial speculation rather than food security. The authors call for an immediate ban on large-scale land transactions, the return of misappropriated lands to communities, and a transition toward food sovereignty based on peasant agriculture and agroecology.

The document examines Rwanda's post-genocide trajectory, noting significant achievements in economic growth, gender parity in parliament, and progress toward Millennium Development Goals. However, it argues these gains are offset by a lack of political freedom, citing the 2010 elections, the suppression of independent media, and the intimidation of opposition voices under President Paul Kagame's administration. The author warns that the suppression of civil society could lead to instability similar to the pro-democracy uprisings then occurring in the Middle East and North Africa.

The document examines the humanitarian and economic dangers of poorly managed military weapons stockpiles in Africa, noting at least 27 known explosions between 1998 and 2011. It analyzes international and regional agreements—such as the UN Programme of Action and the SADC Firearms Protocol—and argues that a lack of transparency, inadequate physical security, and insufficient technical capacity lead to preventable disasters. Case studies of Mozambique and Tanzania illustrate the devastating impact of these explosions on civilian populations and the challenges of implementing national inventories and secure storage standards.

The document analyzes the AU's framework for democracy promotion, specifically its rejection of unconstitutional changes of government. It details the evolution of this principle from the Lomé Declaration of 2000 to the 2007 African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and discusses the 'democrat's dilemma' where popular uprisings to remove authoritarian leaders conflict with strict constitutionalism. The author argues for more consistent application of sanctions against leaders who refuse to leave office after elections and suggests the Pan-African Parliament develop guidelines for managing civilian-led transitions to democracy.