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The document analyzes Russia's strategic pivot toward Africa as a means to diversify partners and evade Western sanctions following the invasion of Ukraine. It identifies three primary pillars of engagement: economic interests in mining, energy, and agriculture; geopolitical efforts to undermine Western influence in the Sahel and Mediterranean; and the promotion of multipolarity to challenge US-led unipolarity. While Africa is described as a 'policy tool' rather than a central priority, Russia leverages its lack of colonial history and non-conditional military support to gain influence among African states.

The Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) 2022 Annual Results Report details the organization's progress across three impact areas: reducing climate risk, promoting sustainable resource use and resilient ecosystems, and improving health and well-being. Key achievements include contributing to the COP27 decision to establish a loss and damage fund, developing the Global Environmental Impacts of Consumption (GEIC) indicator adopted at COP15, and implementing water management master plans in Bolivia. The report highlights the use of digital tools like LEAP, WEAP, and Trase to inform policy in various regions, including Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Organizationally, SEI reports an increase in scientific publications, a diversification of funding sources, and the implementation of a global monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) procedure.

The document highlights a shift in African gas extraction toward countries that have not historically exploited fossil fuels, noting that 84 percent of new pre-production reserves are located in recent entrants. It argues that these developments, largely destined for export, will increase gas production by a third by 2030 but will fail to address local electrification needs while exacerbating climate change and environmental risks.

The European Green Deal (EGD) offers the African private sector significant opportunities in green hydrogen production and the supply of critical raw materials, driven by the EU's need for energy security and supply chain diversification. While various funding instruments like InvestEU and the Global Gateway Africa-Europe Investment Package exist, the report warns of a potential 'unequal partnership' where Africa remains a mere resource supplier. It emphasizes the need for African stakeholders to proactively engage in technology transfer and co-creation to avoid lock-in effects and ensure inclusive growth.

The document explores how the European Green Deal (EGD) creates opportunities for the African private sector, particularly in green hydrogen and critical minerals, while warning against a return to a resource-supplier relationship. It details various EU funding mechanisms, technology transfer possibilities, and capacity-building programs, providing recommendations for African governments and companies to proactively engage with the EU to ensure an equal partnership.

The document examines the clash between the rural African donkey market, where the animal is a vital workhorse for the poor, and the lucrative Chinese market for ejiao (donkey-hide glue). It highlights how explosive demand in China has led to donkey shortages, illicit smuggling, and severe welfare abuses, which in turn diminish the socio-economic mobility of rural Africans, particularly women and girls. The author argues that the current unregulated trade risks damaging China-Africa relations and suggests implementing sustainability certifications, breeding programs, and a distinction between medicinal and wellness-based ejiao consumption to ensure a sustainable supply chain.

The report examines how developed nations are adopting 'climate-justified' protectionist measures, specifically the EU's CBAM and the US's IRA, which depart from previous neoliberal trade doctrines. It argues that these unilateral policies threaten African economic growth and industrialisation by creating market barriers and restricting policy space. The author suggests that Africa should oppose the CBAM, leverage the US's use of localisation to justify its own local content requirements, and campaign for the treatment of green technologies as global public goods through the reform of TRIPS rules.

The report analyzes COP27 outcomes through a human rights lens, highlighting the breakthrough establishment of a Loss and Damage Fund and the first consensus-based mention of the right to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment. However, it criticizes the failure to commit to a fossil fuel phase-out, the influence of fossil fuel lobbyists, and the 'unprecedented' restrictions on civil society participation imposed by the host country, Egypt. The document also notes missed opportunities in the Action Plan on Action for Climate Empowerment and the Gender Action Plan review, while calling for a rights-based approach to the Global Stocktake and Article 6.4 carbon market mechanisms.

The Healthy NDC Scorecard 2023 analyzes 58 NDCs to evaluate the integration of health into national climate policies. While 90% of analyzed NDCs mention health and climate linkages, the report finds a significant mismatch between health recognition and actual climate ambition, particularly in G20 nations. Low- and middle-income countries generally achieved the highest health scores, while several high-income nations scored zero. The report recommends enhanced intersectoral collaboration, the quantification of health co-benefits to secure financing, and the exclusion of the fossil fuel industry from climate policymaking.

The document argues that carbon markets and emission offsets are ineffective at reducing emissions and instead serve as a distraction for major polluters while enabling extractivism and neocolonialism, particularly in the Global South. It details the mechanisms of the UNFCCC's Article 6, including the cooperative approaches of 6.2 and the UN-managed market of 6.4, as well as various regional and national systems in Europe, Africa, Asia, and the Americas. The guide concludes by offering strategies for opposition, such as policy advocacy, community awareness, and legal challenges, while providing resources for tracking carbon projects.

The MENA region increased its operational renewable energy capacity by 57% since May 2022, adding 6.9 GW of solar and wind power. While there is a massive pipeline of 361 GW in planned projects, 60% of this capacity is earmarked for green hydrogen production and export rather than domestic decarbonization. The region remains heavily dependent on fossil fuels, with oil and gas providing over 90% of electricity, and 18 of 23 analyzed countries planning to expand their gas and oil power fleets. To fully decarbonize the electricity sector by 2050, the region would need to add 19 GW of solar and wind capacity annually.

The document examines the tension between Africa's development goals, specifically Agenda 2063, and the risk of high-carbon growth. It argues that while pursuing traditional fossil-fuel-led development would significantly increase carbon emissions, Africa can leverage its vast reserves of critical minerals and renewable energy potential to achieve a low-carbon transition. The authors emphasize that climate change exacerbates existing instabilities and that current global climate finance architectures are inadequate, often treating adaptation as aid or providing loans that increase debt. The brief recommends a multi-actor approach to African agency and a strategic shift to place climate change at the center of all diplomacy and development to avoid the 'resource curse' and ensure equitable wealth redistribution.

The report evaluates the African Union's (AU) first two decades, highlighting a significant gap between the creation of ambitious normative and institutional frameworks and their actual implementation. While the AU has succeeded in establishing a continental legal order and promoting multi-party democracy, it struggles with institutional incapacity, over-reliance on external funding, and a lack of political will among member states to cede sovereignty. Key areas of analysis include the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), and the role of women and youth in governance. The authors argue that for the AU to achieve the goals of Agenda 2063, it must shift from a state-centric model to a people-driven organization, enhance its self-reliance, and translate its existing norms into tangible outcomes.

The document examines the 'regionalisation' of peacekeeping in Africa, noting that troops from countries bordering crisis zones now constitute a significant portion of UN and AU missions. While these countries possess local knowledge, the authors argue that their involvement often prioritises national interests and 'collective defence'—the alliance against identified enemies—over the 'collective security' goal of addressing root causes. This shift is characterised by extreme militarisation and a lack of political strategy, which the authors suggest erodes the principles of impartiality and neutrality in peacekeeping.

The document analyzes the Mediterranean's electricity grid infrastructure, identifying four main interconnection zones and various proposed projects like the EuroAsia and EuroAfrica Interconnectors. It highlights how geopolitical tensions, particularly in the Eastern Mediterranean, hinder integration while suggesting that the energy transition and EU demand for renewables could drive cooperation. The author proposes guidelines for enhancing interconnectivity, emphasizing the need for political alignment and regulatory cooperation.

The document analyzes three major electricity interconnector projects: the EuroAsia Interconnector (linking Israel, Cyprus, and Greece), the EuroAfrica Interconnector (linking Egypt to Europe via Cyprus), and the Türkiye-North Cyprus Interconnector. It highlights that while these projects aim to end the energy isolation of Cyprus and Israel and enhance regional energy security, they are complicated by geopolitical tensions and financing challenges. The author proposes four scenarios for implementation, ranging from maintaining political divides to a 'regional interdependency' model that uses energy infrastructure to build mutual trust. The paper argues that prioritizing interoperability and inclusive policies—specifically including the Turkish Cypriot community in decision-making—could transform Cyprus into a regional energy hub and support a peaceful settlement of the Cyprus Problem.

The author introduces the 'double duality' framework, arguing that smugglers are simultaneously perceived as problems and solutions by both migrants and states. For migrants, smugglers provide essential mobility but pose risks of exploitation; for states, smugglers undermine border control but provide 'moral capital' that justifies restrictive policies. The paper analyzes how destination states use a 'protection narrative'—casting smugglers as villains and migrants as victims—to maintain political authority while limiting asylum access. It further distinguishes between 'facilitation' and 'exploitation' to show that not all dangers faced by migrants originate from smugglers, and that counter-smuggling measures often shift risks onto the migrants themselves.

Earthjustice's statement on the Omnibus Spending Package praises funding for federal agencies, solar energy in Puerto Rico, and water infrastructure in Jackson, Mississippi. However, it criticizes the bill for undermining the Endangered Species Act regarding right whales, extending EPA pesticide review deadlines, and failing to meet U.S. climate finance commitments to developing nations made at COP 27.

The report argues that current DFI and MDB frameworks for the land sector are insufficient for Paris alignment, often prioritizing economic development and efficiency over transformative climate action. Analysis of finance in Argentina, Egypt, and Viet Nam reveals that over half of DFI funding since 2015 lacked adequate climate risk safeguards, with significant risks linked to deforestation and GHG-intensive commodities.

The document highlights the critical state of global freshwater ecosystems, noting that one in three freshwater species face extinction and only one-third of long rivers remain free-flowing. It identifies unsustainable agriculture and poorly planned infrastructure as primary drivers of degradation, both exacerbated by climate change. The author calls for the Global Biodiversity Framework to include specific numerical restoration targets by 2030: 300,000 kilometers of rivers and 350 million hectares of inland waters. It further advocates for the elevation of freshwater to the same priority level as land and sea in conservation goals, urging the use of nature-based solutions and financial support to ensure water security and support the clean energy transition.