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The document examines the infrastructure financing gap in sub-Saharan Africa, highlighting the distinct needs of low-income countries (LICs) and middle-income countries (MICs). While MDBs provide low-interest loans and technical expertise, they face competition from private financiers and bilateral investors. LICs struggle with indebtedness and declining official development assistance, often resorting to expensive private loans, whereas MICs leverage domestic markets and attract more private investment. Common challenges across the continent include a lack of technical skills for public-private partnerships, a reliance on single commodities, and overly bureaucratic MDB approval processes. The author concludes that MDBs must move away from treating Africa as a monolith and instead adopt country-specific strategies.

The Paris Agreement entered into force on 4 November 2016, with 100 countries representing 67% of global greenhouse gas emissions having ratified it. COP22 and the first meeting of the CMA are tasked with developing operational rules for transparency, progress monitoring, and ramping up ambition to limit global temperature rise to well below 2 degrees Celsius. Key points of contention include the verification of national commitments and the insufficiency of pledges to meet the $100 billion climate finance goal for developing countries by 2020. South Africa has ratified the agreement and set an emissions reduction target of 398–614 MtCO2e for 2025–2030, though this is largely conditional on external assistance and complicated by a continued reliance on coal and budgetary restraints.

The document examines the impacts of 'polluting energy'—including fossil fuels, industrial biomass, and large dams—across Africa. It highlights how these systems often benefit elites and corporations while leaving local populations to face health crises, land grabbing, and climate vulnerability. Specific case studies focus on South Africa's coal dependency, oil extraction in Nigeria and Uganda, the influence of European energy policies in the Maghreb, and the social and environmental costs of large dams in Mozambique. The report concludes that African nations must avoid 'locking in' obsolete polluting technologies and instead pursue energy sovereignty through decentralized renewables.

Africa is experiencing unprecedented urban growth, with its urban population expected to reach 1.4 billion by 2050. While this transition offers economic potential, it is occurring alongside slow structural transformation and pervasive poverty. The paper highlights the rise of megacities—such as Lagos, Cairo, and Kinshasa—and warns that without integrated urban planning and inclusive economic growth, cities will face increasing slum proliferation and urban violence.

The document examines South African business activities in the DRC across sectors such as mining, telecommunications, and agriculture, highlighting both the positive developmental impacts and the significant operational challenges posed by corruption and bureaucracy.

Mozambique possesses high agricultural potential but remains a net food importer due to low productivity and high climate vulnerability. The report identifies four primary areas for improvement: simplifying bureaucratic tax administration to reduce investment costs, developing public financial incentives and public-private partnerships (PPPs) to mitigate risk for farmers, prioritizing critical infrastructure in energy and irrigation, and enhancing revenue-sharing mechanisms to protect natural resources. It highlights that administrative delays and high interest rates (often over 20%) are more significant barriers than tax rates themselves. The document also emphasizes the need for better community consultation in PPPs and the implementation of a more transparent fiscal rule for sharing extractive industry royalties with local communities.

The document analyzes the state of democracy in Africa, arguing that while electoral democracy has increased since 1989, it is often constrained by neopatrimonialism and a lack of governance capacity. It explores the 'sequencing debate' regarding whether democracy precedes or follows economic development, noting that while authoritarian models have sometimes delivered rapid growth, long-term human development is robustly linked to high-quality electoral democracy. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, the author forecasts that a 'Fourth Wave' of democracy could significantly increase Africa's GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2070 compared to an 'Authoritarian Regress' scenario.

The document examines Angola's FDI landscape, noting that while the 2015 Private Investment Law (PIL-3) simplifies procedures and removes minimum investment thresholds, systemic issues like corruption, poor infrastructure, and weak institutional capacity continue to deter investment outside the oil and mineral sectors. It highlights a concerning trend of negative net FDI flows and Angola's relative isolation from SADC regional economic integration, while identifying the Lobito Transport Corridor as a strategic asset for future growth.

The document examines China's use of large-scale infrastructure projects in Africa as a tool of economic statecraft to challenge Western-led global norms and promote a 'democratised' global order. It analyzes the role of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and compares African initiatives with similar Chinese regional forums in the Arab world, Central Asia, and Latin America. Despite a slowing domestic economy and falling commodity prices affecting resource-rich African states, the author contends that China's strategic geopolitical goals ensure the continued resilience of its African investments.

The document analyzes China's transition from a non-interference policy to a more active role in African peace and security, driven by the need to protect its economic interests and a desire to establish itself as a 'responsible great power'. It contrasts Chinese and Western interpretations of human rights and peacebuilding, noting China's preference for socio-economic rights and state-led stability. While China has increased its UN peacekeeping contributions and partnered with the African Union, the report notes a contradiction in its role as a major arms supplier to the continent.

The research paper examines the tension between President Magufuli's internal focus on austerity, poverty reduction, and industrialization and the potential diplomatic costs of his absence from major international summits. While the administration maintains representation through the vice president and foreign minister, critics argue that the president's personal absence from forums like the African Union Summit may hinder Tanzania's ability to leverage regional integration and common markets for domestic job creation.

The study finds that ethnic civil wars have indeed declined since the mid-1990s, supporting Ted Robert Gurr's projections. The authors demonstrate that this pacifying trend is associated with increased government accommodation, specifically through the granting of group rights, power-sharing, and democratization, which reduce the probability of conflict onset. Additionally, regional autonomy and peacekeeping operations are found to significantly increase the likelihood of conflict termination. Out-of-sample predictions show that a theory-driven model based on accommodative politics far outperforms a simple time-trend model in predicting the actual decline of ethnic conflict from 2000 to 2013.

The document analyzes Namibia's shift from a liberal FDI regime toward one with more state regulation via the New Investment Bill, which introduces performance requirements and reserves certain activities for citizens. It argues that while mandatory requirements may work in the extractives sector, incentives are more effective for non-resource sectors to avoid deterring investors. The paper also explores the potential for a regional investment framework within SADC and SACU and highlights how FDI from China, Germany, and South Africa is critical to expanding the Port of Walvis Bay and its associated transport corridors.

The East African region has discovered vast oil and gas reserves, but social and economic benefits remain unrealised due to regulatory disputes, infrastructure hurdles, and poor governance. Uganda has opted for a pipeline route through Tanzania over Kenya due to cost and security concerns. Mozambique faces severe financial instability and debt crises that threaten its LNG projects. Across the region, a lack of transparency and limited civil liberties hinder the effective implementation of accountability frameworks like the EITI.

The document examines the AICO scheme's role in developing the ASEAN automotive sector and assesses whether a similar model could work in SADC. It identifies South Africa as the regional automotive leader but notes that integration is currently one-sided. Key barriers in SADC include low market demand, infrastructure bottlenecks, and a lack of indigenous industry outside South Africa. The author suggests that SADC can move toward integration by leveraging South Africa's expertise, focusing on specific vehicle segments, and developing aftermarket production as a starting point.

The research paper examines the alignment between South Africa's stated foreign policy goal of 'Africa's centrality' and the actual expenditure of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO). It finds that South Africa's normative goal of deepening engagement in Africa is generally matched by its resource deployment, with significant spending directed toward strategic economies like Nigeria, Angola, and Ethiopia. Despite budget reductions in 2016 necessitating the closure of non-essential missions, the document argues that diplomatic engagement remains vital for defending national interests and enhancing international prestige.

The paper estimates that Chinese financiers provided US$86.3 billion to African governments and state-owned enterprises between 2000 and 2014, a figure lower than many common beliefs. The authors argue that Chinese lending is driven by business interests—specifically generating construction contracts for Chinese firms—rather than a primary desire to secure natural resources. While transportation and energy are the largest sectors receiving funds, approximately one-third of the loans are secured by commodities or exports to mitigate risk in unstable environments. The authors warn that while a debt crisis has not yet occurred, rising debt levels and the unlikely nature of policy bank debt cancellation pose future risks.

The document examines the interaction between the G-20 and Africa, noting that while South Africa is the only permanent African member, the G-20's agenda significantly impacts the continent. It evaluates the G-20 Development Working Group's (DWG) progress on priorities such as infrastructure, domestic resource mobilisation, and financial inclusion. The author argues that while there is overlap with the AU's Agenda 2063, momentum has been lost in supporting African regional economic integration, and further efforts are needed to leverage G-20 resources for sustainable infrastructure and local capital markets.

Namibia is highly vulnerable to climate change due to its extreme aridity and reliance on climate-dependent livelihoods, particularly in agriculture. While the government has established a National Climate Change Policy (NCCP) and a National Climate Change Strategy and Action Plan (NCCSAP), adaptation is not yet meaningfully integrated into sectoral policies for water, health, and agriculture. Current adaptation projects are limited in number and primarily focus on agriculture and capacity building, with a significant gap in programming for health, tourism, and coastal zones. Adaptation finance is heavily dependent on international donors, with minimal domestic budget allocation.

The document argues that while the SADC region faces severe energy pressures and a heavy reliance on coal and hydropower, renewable energy mini-grids offer a viable complement to national grid extension, particularly for rural populations. However, most current projects remain in the pilot phase due to unsustainable business models, vague policy frameworks, and a lack of private investment. The brief recommends adopting anchor-business-community (A-B-C) models and establishing clear regulatory frameworks to scale these solutions.