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The Clean Air Task Force asserts that Europe can address its energy security needs and reduce climate impact by targeting wasted methane in Algeria. It highlights that Algeria's wasted gas volume exceeds the amount Italy seeks in new deals and that capturing this gas is more climate-friendly and potentially more lucrative than new drilling.

The document analyzes the intersection of the AfCFTA and climate action, arguing that while the agreement has minimal environmental references, it can be adjusted to eliminate barriers to environmental goods and services. It emphasizes the need for a phased decarbonization approach for fossil-fuel-dependent nations and suggests that instead of adding a new Environmental Protocol, existing continental climate strategies should be reinforced. The text calls for increased climate financing, technology transfer from partners like the EU and US, and the promotion of a circular economy to ensure that increased intra-African trade does not lead to higher greenhouse gas emissions.

The report contends that fossil gas cannot be considered a transition fuel due to significant methane leakage and the need for rapid decarbonisation by 2030. It argues that the EU's Complementary Delegated Act threatens the credibility of the EU Taxonomy by allowing fossil gas as a transitional activity. The document advocates for a rapid shift to low-carbon hydrogen, prioritised for hard-to-abate sectors, and warns against 'gas blending' as an inefficient decarbonisation strategy. It recommends the use of additionality requirements for electrolysers to prevent them from cannibalising renewable energy growth and suggests various financial mechanisms, including Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfDs) and green public procurement, to mobilise investment. The report also emphasizes the need for a Just Transition to protect workers and low-income households from the regressive effects of carbon pricing.

The report examines the African Union's struggle to deter military coups and combat terrorism, highlighting the limitations of current frameworks and the need for a more holistic approach. It focuses on the Malabo summit's agenda, including the Accra Declaration on unconstitutional changes of government and the establishment of an African Standby Force counterterrorism unit. The document also analyzes the security volatility in the Lake Chad Basin and the fragile humanitarian truce in Ethiopia, arguing for a shift from purely militaristic responses to those incorporating political and social measures.

The report contends that natural gas expansion in Africa contradicts the Paris Agreement and poses significant economic and environmental risks. It argues that renewable energy is more cost-effective and creates more sustainable employment than the fossil fuel industry. Through case studies of Egypt, Nigeria, and Senegal, the document demonstrates that shifting from gas-based power to high-renewable scenarios would increase job creation and, in the case of Egypt, significantly reduce premature deaths from air pollution. It concludes that developed nations must stop financing fossil fuels and increase climate finance to support Africa's transition to zero-emissions energy systems.

The document argues that while Aid for Trade (AfT) is a vital tool for sustainable development, there is a significant mismatch between the low levels of development assistance for plastic pollution and the high financial flows to the petrochemical sector. It identifies specific capacity-building needs for developing countries—such as circular economy strategies, technology access, and regulatory frameworks—and proposes short- and medium-term deliverables for WTO members to integrate plastic pollution priorities into AfT work programmes.

The document examines the relationship between climate change and conflict in Africa, asserting that climate change functions as a 'risk multiplier' that exacerbates existing political, social, and economic tensions. It highlights that while some regions like the Horn of Africa, the Sahel, and the Lake Chad Basin are particularly vulnerable, the path from climate impact to violence is indirect, often mediated by resource scarcity, forced migration, and institutional weakness. The report calls for the Global North to fulfill climate finance commitments and for African nations to adopt evidence-based, community-informed adaptation strategies that are sensitive to local conflict dynamics to prevent future instability.

The Europe Gas Tracker Report 2022 finds that the EU possesses substantial overcapacity for gas imports via pipelines and LNG terminals, making proposed new projects unnecessary. It argues that expanding this capacity is incompatible with the European Climate Law's 2030 emissions targets and the IEA's Net Zero by 2050 scenario. The report highlights that the EU's energy crisis is driven by global market tightness and supply shortages rather than a lack of import infrastructure. Furthermore, it critiques 'carbon-neutral' LNG claims as misleading due to methane emissions across the supply chain and warns that new gas assets risk becoming stranded.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has forced European states to prioritize energy security over climate goals, leading to a 'dash for LNG' that outbids developing nations and encourages a global return to coal. This shift undermines EU climate leadership and risks 'locking in' long-term fossil fuel infrastructure in Africa and Asia.

The document explores the complex, indirect link between climate change and violent conflict in Africa, emphasizing that while climate change is a 'risk multiplier', it does not cause conflict in a simple cause-and-effect manner. It highlights regional examples from North Africa, the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, and Southern Africa, noting that vulnerability is often tied to existing institutional weaknesses and social inequalities. The author calls for the Global North to fulfill climate finance commitments and for African states to prioritize evidence-based, community-informed adaptation measures that account for local conflict dynamics.

The report analyzes Investment Dispute Prevention and Management Agencies (DPMAs), which are government bodies designed to prevent or manage investor-state disputes. It critiques the assumptions of international institutions—such as the World Bank and UNCTAD—that promote DPMAs, arguing that these bodies often overlook the tension between public interests and investor rights. The authors propose a four-part typology (Aftercare, Treaty Compliance, Litigation Management, and Administrative Review) and provide case studies from seven countries, including South Korea, Brazil, and Peru, to illustrate how these agencies function in practice.

The report argues that African states must transition from being 'junior partners' in global cyber diplomacy to active participants by developing common continental positions and leveraging their demographic position as a future technology market. It highlights the risks of 'norm colonisation' from cyber superpowers and the vulnerability of fragile democracies to information warfare. The author recommends that the African Union recruit 'cyber champions' from digitally mature states and uncouple trade negotiations from cyber diplomacy to ensure a unified approach to digital governance and security.

The report analyzes Egypt's path to 2050, highlighting critical risks from rapid population growth (projected to reach 150 million) and severe water shortages expected by 2025. It identifies systemic economic issues, including a large informal sector and high youth unemployment, alongside health crises driven by non-communicable diseases. Through the International Futures (IFs) platform, the authors simulate seven sectoral interventions—covering demography, economy, governance, energy, health, education, and agriculture—concluding that a combined policy push could nearly double the economy's size and significantly reduce extreme poverty by 2050.

The document examines the intersection of debt, capitalism, and patriarchy in Africa, arguing that neoliberal debt architectures and austerity measures externalise the costs of social reproduction onto women. It highlights how sovereign debt crises lead to cuts in public services, which in turn drives households toward predatory private lending and microfinance. The author calls for a systemic reform of the global financial architecture, including debt relief without conditionalities, progressive domestic resource mobilisation, and stricter regulation of predatory lending to protect vulnerable populations.

This fact sheet, published by the Climate and Development Knowledge Network in 2022, summarizes findings from the IPCC Sixth Assessment Report specifically for North Africa. It details observed climate changes, such as rising temperatures and shifting precipitation patterns, and projects future risks including increased heat-related mortality, biodiversity loss, and threats to food and water security. The document also outlines adaptation strategies, the necessity of increased climate finance, and the specific vulnerabilities of coastal cities and cultural heritage sites in the region.

North Africa is experiencing warming at twice the global rate, leading to increased heat waves, marine heat waves, and widespread losses in agriculture and health. Future projections indicate severe risks to food security, biodiversity, and coastal infrastructure, particularly in Egypt. Adaptation requires transformative, ecosystem-based approaches and a significant increase in disbursed climate finance.

The report presents survey data from 108,946 Facebook users worldwide, revealing high global levels of worry and belief that climate change is happening, though perceptions of its causes and the responsibility for action vary significantly by region. While there is widespread support for renewable energy and the belief that climate action will not harm economic growth, willingness to engage in organized climate activism remains low in most regions, with a notable exception in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The U.S. Government Global Water Strategy 2022-2027 establishes a whole-of-government approach to achieve a water-secure world. It prioritizes four strategic objectives: strengthening sector governance and financing, increasing equitable access to climate-resilient water and sanitation services, improving the conservation of freshwater resources, and reducing water-related conflict. The strategy emphasizes local leadership, the needs of marginalized populations, and the integration of climate resilience. Implementation is coordinated through the Interagency Water Working Group (IWWG) and focuses on High-Priority Countries (HPCs) identified by a data-driven needs and opportunity index. Specific agency plans from USAID, the Department of State, CDC, and others detail how they will leverage technical expertise, diplomatic engagement, and financial tools to meet these goals.

The document challenges the common assumption that unemployment, particularly among youth, increases the likelihood of political violence and protests. By reviewing global research and analyzing survey data from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), the author finds that unemployed individuals are not more likely to support political violence or participate in demonstrations than those who are employed. Instead, the brief identifies other work-related factors—such as ambiguous employment status, part-time work, and job dissatisfaction—as stronger predictors of political activity. The author suggests that the unemployed may be less active due to a lack of resources, social stigmatization, or low interest in politics.

This report chapter analyzes the growth of the lower-middle-income population in high-impact countries in 2022, highlighting the risks associated with their potential purchase of inefficient cooling devices and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on income levels.