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The document details the current state of the WTO's Joint Statement Initiative on Investment Facilitation for Development, outlining the draft agreement's structure across transparency, administrative simplification, and sustainable investment. It highlights key points of contention, such as the scope of investments covered and the specific timelines for Special and Differential Treatment (S&DT) for developing nations, while proposing a path toward legal integration into the WTO framework.

The report analyzes the progress of over 110 WTO members negotiating the Investment Facilitation for Development Agreement (IFDA). It details the draft's core pillars—transparency, administrative streamlining, and international cooperation—while highlighting the critical role of Special and Differential Treatment (S&DT) for developing countries and LDCs. The document outlines outstanding issues, such as the scope of e-commerce and the legal architecture for integrating the agreement into the WTO framework, and notes the 2023 roadmap focusing on needs assessments and outreach to non-members.

The document examines South Africa's position within BRICS ahead of its 2023 chairship, highlighting the tension between its democratic values and the geopolitics of larger members like Russia and China. It evaluates the success of 'multi-track diplomacy' through institutions like the New Development Bank and the BRICS Vaccine Research and Development Centre, while noting that domestic crises—including energy instability and economic recovery—hinder South Africa's ability to fully leverage the partnership for national growth.

The document identifies the Caribbean region as highly vulnerable to rising global temperatures while facing declines in global trade competitiveness. It argues that CARICOM countries should leverage the World Trade Organization's new sustainability agenda to formulate and promote regional priorities for climate mitigation, adaptation, and climate-resilient sustainable development, countering the current dominance of advanced economies in these multilateral discussions.

The author argues that international trade policy is shifting from a primary focus on trade liberalization and economic efficiency toward a 'multipurpose' approach. This new framework integrates broader objectives—including climate action, supply chain resilience, and national security—directly into trade policy rather than treating them as externalities. The document outlines domestic challenges, such as balancing incommensurable goals and breaking down departmental silos, and international challenges, including the increasing tension between national policy imperatives and World Trade Organization (WTO) rules. It concludes that while this shift addresses the perceived failures of globalization, it risks fragmenting international cooperation and increasing the divide between developed and developing nations.

The NZ–EU FTA represents a significant shift in trade policy by integrating enforceable sustainability and climate goals into a legally binding framework. Most notably, it is the first agreement for both parties to allow trade sanctions for breaches of commitments to the Paris Agreement. The agreement also includes the EU's first FTA articles on fossil fuel subsidy reform and harmful fisheries subsidies, as well as enforceable gender commitments. Additionally, it establishes a cooperation chapter on sustainable food systems covering organic farming and biodiversity. The author argues that this integration of trade and climate policy signals a future where trade negotiators must be proficient in sustainability to maintain a social licence to operate.

In June 2022, the WTO's 164 members reached a historic agreement to tackle harmful fisheries subsidies, marking the first multilateral trade deal centered on environmental sustainability. The process involved over 20 years of negotiations and was supported by a combination of impartial technical policy advice from the IISD and high-ambition advocacy from The Pew Charitable Trusts. To create external pressure, the 'Stop Funding Overfishing' campaign was launched, eventually gathering 182 signatories, including the World Wildlife Fund and Oceana. The final agreement, adopted at the Twelfth Ministerial Conference (MC12), includes prohibitions on subsidies for illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing, fishing of overfished stocks, and fishing on the unregulated high seas. To ensure future progress, the deal includes a clause stating the agreement expires if a more comprehensive deal is not reached within four years of entry into force.

The document examines the tension between global agricultural trade and environmental sustainability, noting that agri-food systems contributed 31% of global greenhouse gas emissions in 2019. It analyzes how current trade distortions, such as high subsidies for emission-intensive commodities like beef and rice, undermine sustainability. The author proposes a framework of trade-related policy tools—including border measures, economic incentives, and regulatory standards—to transition toward sustainable food systems. It specifically evaluates the role of the WTO, suggesting that while existing rules provide some policy space, more coordinated multilateral cooperation through platforms like the Trade and Environmental Sustainability Structured Discussions (TESSD) is necessary to align trade with climate and biodiversity goals.

The document examines the intersection of trade, climate change, and development in Africa, advocating for a shift from a narrow 'just energy transition' to a broader 'climate-resilient development' (CRD) approach. It highlights Africa's vulnerability to climate crises and proposes strategies for green industrialization, climate-smart agriculture, and the strengthening of development finance institutions. The author critiques the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) as 'green trade protectionism' and calls for a 'Global Green New Deal' based on multilateral cooperation, technology transfer, and the fulfillment of climate finance promises by developed nations.

The NewClimate Institute criticizes the German government for contradictions between its climate ambitions and its foreign policy actions, specifically citing the support for gas exploration in Senegal and insufficient climate finance. It urges the implementation of a cross-departmental foreign policy strategy in 2023 to ensure consistency across all ministries, including those led by the FDP, and recommends independent monitoring of progress.

The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) is a flexible economic initiative launched by the United States in May 2022 with 13 partner countries. Organized into four pillars—connected economy, resilient economy, clean economy, and fair economy—the framework avoids traditional tariff liberalization to prevent domestic political backlash. Early analysis suggests waning enthusiasm among partners, with some countries requesting transition periods for binding commitments and critics arguing that the lack of U.S. concessions on market access reduces the framework's credibility. While the U.S. aims to reassert influence in the region through technical assistance in decarbonization and digital standards, the durability of the IPEF remains uncertain as partners await tangible outcomes.

Analysis of Global Trade Alert (GTA) data indicates that while the COVID-19 pandemic increased the total volume of commercial policy interventions, it did not fundamentally alter the long-term trend of trade policy mix. The share of interventions favoring domestic firms remained stable between 0.80 and 0.85 since 2009. However, the pandemic saw a sharp spike in export bans—at least 50 times the 2015-2019 average—and an increase in corporate subsidies, while harmful import restrictions on market access actually declined. The author argues that these export curbs disrupted supply chains and should lead to tighter WTO rules on exceptions.

Algeria's trade is heavily dominated by hydrocarbons, which accounted for 94% of exports in 2017. The country faces significant obstacles to industrialisation and diversification due to the influence of politically connected importers and a lack of regional economic integration within the Maghreb. While the European Union remains its primary trading partner, substantial informal trade exists with Tunisia and Mali, driven by tax and subsidy differentials.

A coalition of NGOs calls on the European Commission to ban all Russian seafood imports and deny Russian-flagged or owned vessels access to EU ports and waters. The authors argue that current bans on 'high-end seafood' are insufficient and that Russia's fisheries management is characterized by overfishing and a high risk of illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing. The letter recommends implementing a digital traceability system to prevent mislabelling and calls for the EU to rebuild its own fish stocks to reduce import dependence.

The document analyzes the global landscape of fossil fuel subsidies, noting a significant rise to almost USD 700 billion in 2021. It distinguishes between production and consumption subsidies—the latter making up 86% of 2019 estimates—and highlights how these supports distort international trade through 'pass-through' effects. The briefing argues that reforming these subsidies could reduce CO2 emissions by an average of 6% by 2030 across 32 economies, especially if savings are reinvested in clean energy. It also details the role of the WTO and other international forums (G7, G20, APEC) in establishing disciplines to phase out inefficient subsidies.

The document analyzes China's strategic efforts to increase its presence in West Africa, contrasting the deep, multi-sectoral engagement in Ghana with the more recent and technology-focused growth in Senegal. It attributes these differences to the length of diplomatic relations and the lingering influence of former colonial powers, particularly France.

The document argues that as the two largest greenhouse gas emitters, the USA and China must cooperate to mitigate climate change. It proposes specific mechanisms for collaboration, including a joint clean energy research institute, the removal of trade tariffs on renewable components, and the establishment of exchange programs between subnational governments, NGOs, and private companies to share expertise on clean energy infrastructure and regulation.

The document proposes six pathways to 'green' Aid for Trade (A4T), emphasizing that developing countries must lead the prioritization of resources to ensure a just transition. It highlights a significant gap between reported environment-related A4T and projects with clear environmental purposes, while calling for updated monitoring systems and increased financing to align trade policy with the UN SDGs and the Paris Agreement.

The document advocates for the use of the international trade regime, specifically through the WTO, to restructure market relationships in a climate-friendly manner. It suggests that while border carbon adjustments are prominent, other measures such as phasing out fossil fuel subsidies, removing barriers for clean energy technologies, and establishing green materials clubs are underutilized tools for achieving a low-carbon transition.

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is facing a critical need for reform across its negotiating function, dispute settlement system, committee transparency, and Secretariat role. While members generally agree on the need for change, they are divided on the approach: some advocate for 'coalitions of the willing' to modernize the agenda, while others, particularly developing countries, prioritize the Doha Development Agenda and the preservation of special and differential treatment (SDT). The dispute settlement system remains crippled by the United States' refusal to appoint new Appellate Body members since 2019. Divergent priorities exist between the EU, US, African Group, India, and LDCs, with disagreements extending to whether reform should proceed via working groups or General Council review processes.