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The paper examines how trade policy can accelerate the clean energy transition by expanding access to renewable technologies. It highlights the role of the APEC List of Environmental Goods and the need to address non-tariff measures and global value chain complexities. The author advocates for a comprehensive approach that includes preferential treatment for components and services to reduce the cost and increase the efficiency of renewable energy deployment.

This report presents guidelines for designing Border Carbon Adjustment (BCA) mechanisms, based on global stakeholder dialogues. It offers specific recommendations on measuring embodied GHG emissions, determining sectoral coverage, managing revenues, and crediting foreign carbon prices. The guidance emphasizes 'parallel treatment' between domestic and foreign producers and suggests mechanisms to support small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and developing countries in their low-carbon transition, while cautioning against blanket country exemptions to maintain the effectiveness of leakage prevention.

The document examines Germany's engagement with African agrifood systems through the BMEL, BMZ, and GIZ, finding that while funding has grown, it remains primarily aid-driven and insufficient for systemic transformation. It recommends transitioning toward market-oriented partnerships, leveraging the AfCFTA and the CAADP Kampala Declaration to promote value addition and private sector investment.

The briefing examines how cuts to official development assistance, trade instability, and rising debt burdens threaten low-income countries. It argues that while the FfD4 outcome document represents a multilateral consensus, its success depends on translating commitments into action. The authors propose a strategy combining restructured aid, coordinated debt relief, and strengthened domestic resource mobilization—including wealth and natural resource taxation—to prevent systemic crises and support sustainable development.

The report highlights a critical gap in US trade data that obscures the extent of firm-level dependence on Chinese suppliers for battery minerals and components. While China dominates global production—controlling 70% of battery pack assembly and 91% of anode production—current US tracking relies on outdated Harmonized Tariff Schedule (HTS) codes and allows firms to hide import partners. The authors recommend updating trade codes, enhancing intergovernmental data sharing, expanding reporting requirements for electric vehicle tax credits, and leading international efforts for trade code standardization to enable more nuanced policymaking and supply chain diversification.

The document explains the increasing integration of voluntary sustainability standards (VSSs) into trade policy frameworks, such as market access, due diligence regulations, and free trade agreements. It argues that for VSSs to effectively support sustainable trade, governments must implement credibility criteria to assess standards and provide targeted financial and capacity-building support to producers, particularly those in developing countries.

The AfCFTA's Protocol on Women and Youth in Trade (PWYT), released in February 2024, aims to promote the socio-economic development of women and youth by providing affirmative action in capacity building, market intelligence, and trade credit. However, the document identifies a significant gap in the protocol's ability to support informal micro-enterprises, which constitute a large portion of women-led trade in Africa. It recommends the implementation of a four-tiered system of cross-subsidisation based on enterprise size and scope, the creation of a continental Simplified Trade Regime (STR), and the transition from volatile official development assistance (ODA) to sustainable funding derived from common external tariffs or domestic sales taxes.

The document examines the differing motivations for green industrialisation between African nations, which prioritise economic diversification and job creation, and high-income countries, which focus on decarbonisation and geopolitical competitiveness. It highlights the financial gap facing developing countries, noting that adaptation finance needs are projected to reach USD 215-387 billion annually until 2030. The author argues that while developed nations use industrial policies to secure critical raw materials and maintain a competitive edge, Africa seeks to transition from raw material exports to value addition. To bridge these gaps, the paper recommends that the G20 facilitate affordable green technology transfer, coordinate non-debt-creating climate finance, and support the establishment of mineral value chains close to their source in Africa.

The East African Community (EAC) has expanded its membership to include the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Somalia, aiming to increase its geopolitical influence and market size. However, this growth strains the bloc's institutional capacity, particularly regarding financial sustainability, bureaucratic efficiency, and the harmonisation of economic policies among fragile states. The inclusion of conflict-prone members introduces significant security risks, though it also provides opportunities for collective regional stability and trade integration through frameworks like the COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Free Trade Area Agreement.

The report examines the environmental impacts of agricultural subsidies, noting that total global support ranges from $610 to $842 billion per year. It argues that while production-linked supports—such as market price support and input subsidies—are often the most harmful, impacts are highly context-specific. The authors propose several frameworks for identifying harmful subsidies, including the use of meta-analyses of farming practices and the Driver-Pressure-State-Impact-Response (DPSIR) model. To address these issues internationally, the report suggests options such as enhanced transparency, the use of 'rebuttable presumptions' to shift the burden of proof to subsidizing countries, and special and differential treatment for developing nations to balance environmental goals with food security and livelihoods.

The African Union's admission as a permanent member of the G20 in September 2023 represents a shift in global economic governance, increasing the G20's global population representation from 65% to 80%. Historically, the G20 has been viewed as favoring advanced economies, with initiatives like the 2017 Compact with Africa (CWA) and the 2021 debt service suspension initiative (DSSI) criticized for serving the interests of wealthier nations or creditors. The AU's debut at the November 2024 Rio de Janeiro summit focused on priorities including financial system reform, food security, and climate resilience. However, the document warns that rising nationalism, specifically the 'America First' agenda of the Trump administration, poses a threat to the multilateralism necessary for the AU's effectiveness. To move beyond symbolism, the paper argues the AU must leverage the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to increase aggregate purchasing power—projected to reach USD 1.8 trillion by 2035—and emulate the European Union's model of policy harmonization to attract global investment.

The report provides a comprehensive framework for negotiating international agreements on fossil fuel subsidies (FFS), detailing six key building blocks: objectives, scope, disciplines, carve-outs/exceptions, special and differential treatment (SDT), and enforcement. It analyzes various legal approaches, including those based on the WTO's Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM) and the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA), and highlights the Agreement on Climate Change, Trade and Sustainability (ACCTS) as a primary precedent for specific FFS disciplines.

The document analyzes how climate change disrupts agricultural yields and trade flows, particularly in developing regions, while contributing significantly to global GHG emissions. It highlights the risks of food insecurity and the potential for trade-related climate measures to marginalize vulnerable economies. The author argues for a comprehensive international cooperation agenda focused on reducing trade tensions, reforming harmful subsidies, facilitating technology transfer, and securing global food stocks to ensure a fair transition to sustainable agriculture.

The author argues that the OACPS should move beyond traditional tariff liberalization to a 'muscular' trade and sustainability agenda at the WTO. This proposed plan includes negotiating a plurilateral agreement on green industrialization, creating a dedicated technical facility for sustainable development, and establishing a coherence platform to align trade with global sustainability initiatives like the UNFCCC and UN SDGs. To support this, the document suggests replicating EU models of strategic partnerships on critical raw materials and Clean Trade and Investment Partnerships (CTIPs), which combine private investment with public guarantees and technology transfer. The author emphasizes that such an integrated approach is essential for OACPS members—particularly Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and commodity-dependent nations—to mitigate climate vulnerability and transition toward green industrialization.

The document analyzes proposed EU amendments to the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) intended to simplify compliance for EU importers. While the briefing notes that changes to the scope and payment timing may have minimal material impact on African exporters, it warns that modifications to 'default values' for embedded emissions and carbon pricing could negatively affect exporters. Specifically, the shift toward global averages for the most carbon-intensive countries rather than EU-specific benchmarks may increase costs for African producers lacking reliable data. The report concludes that the amendments primarily benefit EU importers and may penalize African exporters who lack the administrative capacity to provide actual installation data.

The document argues that while the energy transition is accelerating, current efforts are insufficient to limit warming to 1.5°C, and the shift in energy demand will fundamentally reshape global trade and geopolitics. It highlights a significant investment gap, noting that emerging markets and developing economies outside China account for only about 15% of global clean energy spending. The report identifies several trade-related barriers, including protectionist tariffs on electric vehicles, divergent technical standards, and the persistence of fossil fuel subsidies, which reached $7 trillion globally in 2023. It specifically warns that Border Carbon Adjustment Mechanisms (BCAs) and Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) provisions in investment treaties may disproportionately burden developing nations. To achieve an equitable transition, the authors recommend reforming WTO subsidy rules, increasing financial support for local value addition in critical minerals, and coordinating the phase-out of fossil fuel production.

The document examines the AfCFTA Implementation Review Mechanism (AFIRM), established in July 2024 to address slow implementation of the AfCFTA Agreement. It contrasts AFIRM's direct assessment of obligations with the WTO's Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM), which focuses on general trade policy and transparency. The author warns that AFIRM's current approach may cause state resistance or lead to the blocking of reports by the Council of Ministers, recommending that review reports avoid definitive assessments of non-compliance to secure member buy-in.

The document analyzes the evolution of BRICS, specifically the 2023 addition of Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE, and the 2024 introduction of a 'partner countries' category. Using Susan Strange's framework of structural power, it argues that BRICS is not seeking to create a rival system but to reshape global governance to be more representative of the global South. The analysis highlights the bloc's economic growth—surpassing the G7 in PPP terms around 2015—and its efforts to create alternative financial mechanisms like the New Development Bank (NDB) and local currency trade to reduce reliance on Western systems. It concludes that while internal diversity and regional rivalries challenge cohesion, the 'agree to disagree' principle allows BRICS to function as a catalyst for South-South cooperation.

The document argues that Africa's potential for a demographic dividend depends on accelerating the demographic transition—reducing child mortality and fertility—and converting a larger working-age population into economic growth through job creation and governance. It contrasts the youthful population of Africa with the ageing populations of Europe and the Netherlands, suggesting strategic opportunities for labour mobility and trade. Using the International Futures (ifs) model, the author presents a 'Demographics and Health' scenario where targeted investments in contraceptives, maternal health, and WASH infrastructure lead to a smaller, wealthier, and better-educated population by 2050, reducing extreme poverty by 48 million people.

ClientEarth asserts that the EU-Mercosur trade deal contradicts the EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) by allowing Mercosur countries to influence the implementation of EU law and by exposing EU Member States to trade disputes when enforcing deforestation rules. The analysis highlights specific articles in the agreement's Trade and Sustainable Development chapter that may force EU authorities to consider third-country information, potentially biasing objective assessments and country benchmarking processes. Furthermore, the agreement's broad definition of 'measure' and its 'rebalancing mechanism' could lead to legal disputes over EUDR compliance, creating political pressure that jeopardizes the EU's goal of protecting global forests.