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The document criticizes the Polish government's reliance on coal and its lack of a transition plan, warning that a sudden forced reduction in greenhouse gas emissions could lead to severe economic shock. It proposes a strategic alliance between ecologists, trade unions, and green businesses to overcome the current political impasse and ensure a 'just transition' that protects workers' rights while reducing emissions.

The ACT 2015 consortium proposes five key ingredients for a successful 2015 global climate agreement: a clear long-term goal (including net zero by 2050), a commitment to non-regression of national targets, a five-year cycle for strengthening commitments, the integration of independent expert analysis, and a transparent progress assessment mechanism.

Carbon Market Watch warns that the proposed 40% greenhouse gas emission reduction target for 2030 is insufficient and threatened by 'hot air' loopholes. Specifically, the carry-over of surplus allowances from the EU ETS and Effort Sharing Decision could reduce actual emissions cuts to as low as 26%. The author advocates for the retention of nationally binding renewable and energy efficiency targets to drive innovation and decarbonisation.

The October 2014 survey reveals that while 66% of Americans believe global warming is occurring, only 50% attribute it to human activities. Public concern remains relatively steady, with only 33% believing people in the U.S. are currently being harmed. Despite this, there is broad support for increased action from corporations (67%), citizens (63%), and various levels of government, as well as specific policies like infrastructure improvements (83%) and carbon dioxide emission limits on coal plants (67%).

The document warns that a 'bubble' of 4 billion tonnes of excess emission rights threatens to undermine the EU's proposed 2030 climate target. It details how surpluses in the Effort Sharing Decision (ESD) and the Emissions Trading System (ETS) could be carried over into the 2030 framework, effectively lowering the actual emission reductions from a proposed 40% to 26% if not addressed by EU leaders.

The October 2014 survey reveals that while 66% of Americans believe global warming is happening, only 50% attribute it to human activities, and only 33% believe people in the U.S. are currently being harmed. Despite these gaps in perception, there is strong public support for a variety of climate policies, including renewable energy research (77%), carbon dioxide regulation (75%), and infrastructure improvements for extreme weather (83%).

The report finds that while a majority of Americans believe global warming is bad for health, very few can identify specific health risks or recognize that certain populations are more vulnerable. There is significant public support for increased government action and funding to protect public health from climate change, with primary-care doctors and the CDC being the most trusted sources of information.

The October 2014 survey 'Climate Change in the American Mind' reveals that while 66% of Americans believe global warming is happening, there is a significant gap between public perception and scientific consensus regarding its causes. Only 50% of respondents believe human activities are the primary cause, and only 33% believe people in the U.S. are currently being harmed. Despite this, there is broad support for clean energy research, carbon dioxide regulation, and infrastructure improvements to resist extreme weather, with majorities believing that corporations, citizens, and government officials should do more to address the issue.

The text calls for world leaders to move beyond declarations and establish a binding global climate pact, citing the IPCC's findings on human-induced warming and the scale of the People’s Climate Mobilization on September 21, 2014, as evidence of the urgent need for coordinated international action on emissions and renewable energy.

The document warns that a 'hot air bubble' of 4 billion pollution credits across the EU ETS and ESD could reduce the actual effectiveness of the EU's 2030 climate target from 40% to as low as 26%. It details how 1.35 billion tonnes of surplus credits in the Effort Sharing Decision and 2.6 billion excess allowances in the Emissions Trading System are created by weak targets, international offsets, and free permit allocations to industry. The author calls on EU Heads of State to disallow the banking of ESD surpluses and permanently cancel excess EU ETS allowances to prevent these 'phantom rights to pollute' from carrying over into the 2030 framework.

Benoît Lechat discusses the need to broaden the social appeal of ecological policies in Europe, critiquing the 'liberal-productivism' that dominates the EU and the 'ascetic' or 'expertocratic' image of Green parties. He analyzes the electoral stabilization of Green parties following the May 2014 European elections, noting gains in Sweden and Austria but declines in France and Belgium. Using the theories of Etienne Balibar, Alain Lipietz, and Ulrich Beck, Lechat argues that climate change must be treated as a strict social issue rather than a niche environmental one. He specifically reflects on the decline of the Belgian party Ecolo, attributing its loss of voters to problematic coalitions with the PS, mismanagement of photovoltaic green certificates, and resistance to wind energy development in Wallonia.

The research finds that the blacklisting of priority municipalities in the Brazilian Amazon significantly reduced deforestation, avoiding the clearing of approximately 11,218 to 11,396 km2 of forest from 2008 to 2011. The authors conclude that this effect was primarily driven by intensified monitoring and law enforcement—specifically an increase in the number of fines—rather than economic sanctions. The study demonstrates that the policy had no significant negative impact on agricultural GDP, crop production, or rural credit concessions, suggesting that forest protection in the region does not necessarily constrain agricultural production.

The authors argue against insulating the IPCC's Summary for Policy-makers (SPM) from governmental input, asserting that the formal approval process provides essential governmental ownership and policy relevance that distinguishes the IPCC from purely technical reports.

The report finds that registered voters are significantly more likely to support political candidates who favor action to reduce global warming and are more likely to vote against those who oppose such action. While a strong divide exists between Democrats and Republicans, there is a notable split within the Republican Party, with liberal/moderate Republicans sharing more similarities with moderate/conservative Democrats than with conservative Republicans on issues such as the occurrence of global warming, levels of concern, and support for carbon dioxide emission limits on coal-fired power plants.

The 4PCCD project (2011-2013) implemented a participatory urban planning tool in Maputo, Mozambique, to identify local priorities for climate action. The project demonstrated that involving citizens from informal settlements can accelerate climate policy development and empower communities to present collective visions to government and private sectors. However, the findings indicate that meaningful community consultation and scientific climate impact assessments require sufficient allocations of time and financial resources.

The report examines the vulnerability of Asia's High Mountains (AHM) to climate change, highlighting risks from glacial melt, extreme weather, and water scarcity. It details the varying responses of mountain ranges—such as the retreat of most glaciers in the Hindu Kush-Himalaya versus stability in the Karakorum—and analyzes the resulting threats to human health, agriculture, and infrastructure. The document evaluates current adaptation strategies, including livelihood diversification and community-based water management, while identifying critical data gaps in permafrost and groundwater storage. It concludes with recommendations for regional cooperation in disaster risk management and the synchronization of national and local climate policies.

The document outlines the financial requirements for Kenya's transition to a low-carbon economy, estimating that Ksh 1,085 billion is needed for the 2013-2017 National Climate Change Action Plan. It identifies key barriers to private investment, such as arduous project development processes, and suggests improvements including the implementation of the draft Climate Change Bill 2014. While Kenya has a strong track record in renewable energy investment and voluntary carbon markets, the briefing warns that compliance carbon markets are currently limited by oversupply and lack of access to the EU-ETS. It lists several domestic and international funding mechanisms available to Kenyan businesses for clean technology and energy efficiency.

The report analyzes 2013 cable news segments from CNN, Fox News, and MSNBC, finding significant disparities in scientific accuracy. MSNBC had the highest accuracy rate (92%), followed by CNN (70%) and Fox News (28%). The authors argue that misleading coverage, particularly the use of 'false debates' on CNN and the disparagement of scientists on Fox News, hinders democratic dialogue on climate policy by conflating established scientific facts with political opinions.

The document argues that a gap exists between climate adaptation research and action because traditional framing ignores agency and separates adaptation from mitigation. It proposes an actor-oriented approach to overcome five identified bottlenecks, applying modelling, visualization, and policy analysis to land-use change, energy transitions, and insurance and finance.

This paper by Simon Maxwell of the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) proposes a five-point strategic plan to secure public and policy support for climate change action, acknowledging that such policies are contested due to the existence of winners and losers.