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The study argues that climate disinformation in the Global South is not a digital accident but a reactivation of 'colonial logics of mediated authority.' By analyzing 200 social media posts and socio-cultural indices across eleven former British colonies in Africa, the author develops a 'Model of Indirect Epistemic Domination.' This model posits that disinformation achieves legitimacy by using trusted intermediaries—such as religious leaders and social media influencers—to frame climate falsehoods as indigenous truths. Statistical analysis reveals that religiosity and media access are the strongest predictors of susceptibility to climate disinformation, while formal education and trust in science do not provide significant protection.

The MAPS dataset provides survey data from over 12,000 respondents across 16 'Programs for Development with a Territorial Focus' (PDET) regions in Colombia. Comparing data from 2019 and 2021, the study finds that while overall support for the peace agreement increased over time, perceptions of security deteriorated and satisfaction with the implementation of specific provisions generally declined. The authors argue that the dataset's regional representativity reveals variations in support and trust that are often obscured in nationally-representative surveys.

The study reveals very low trust among Sámi respondents toward Swedish state authorities and hydropower companies regarding the protection of Sámi rights. This distrust is strongly correlated with high levels of concern over the negative impacts of hydropower on traditional land and water use, as well as perceptions of limited influence, insufficient institutional competence in Sámi rights, and poor communication. The authors argue that this trust deficit stems from a governance approach that treats the Sámi as mere stakeholders in dialogue rather than as rights-holders.

This study examines how perceptions of peace agreements influence political trust in three post-war societies: Guatemala, Nepal, and Northern Ireland. Using a 2016 survey of 3,229 respondents, the authors find that approval of peace agreement provisions and the belief that these agreements have been implemented are positively associated with higher political trust. The analysis suggests that these perceptions provide significant explanatory power beyond conventional cultural and institutional theories of trust. Specifically, support for institutional reforms—such as demilitarization in Guatemala, federalization in Nepal, and power-sharing in Northern Ireland—serves as a primary driver of political trust.

The study argues that disaggregating sectarian violence is essential to understanding its effects on institutional trust. Using survey data from the Arab Barometer and a sectarian events dataset, the author finds that beatings decrease trust in mediators like religious leaders and the parliament, while bombings unexpectedly increase trust in the army and legal system. Burnings primarily reduce trust in the courts. The findings suggest that the targeted Christian minority is affected differently than the general public, sometimes showing increased trust in the government and parliament following bombings.

The study uses a spatially and temporally disaggregated research design to analyze protest events in Africa and Asia. It finds that mild government repression of nonviolent protests typically leads to violent escalation, whereas repression of violent protests tends to encourage a shift back to nonviolent means. Crucially, the research demonstrates that the level of organization acts as a moderator; organized protests are more effective at maintaining nonviolent discipline and resisting the escalatory effects of repression than disorganized ones.

The document analyzes the 2012 and 2013 riots in Mtwara, Tanzania, arguing that violent mobilization was fueled by 'dashed expectations' and perceptions of unfair treatment by the government. While the Mtwara and Lindi regions have been objectively marginalized since independence, the study finds that the feeling of being 'robbed' and the decision to pipe gas to Dar es Salaam were primary drivers of unrest. The authors suggest that providing basic public goods and realistic information via local radio can mitigate conflict risks in other emerging petro-states in Africa.

The research finds that while centralized conservation policies successfully reduced medium- and large-scale deforestation in both Mato Grosso and Pará, the impact on small-scale deforestation varied by state. In Mato Grosso, large landowners adapted by clearing forest in smaller patches to elude the DETER monitoring system, which cannot detect clearings under 25 hectares. In Pará, smallholders were more persistent in deforesting because their clearings were predominantly smaller than 25 hectares and thus remained invisible to law enforcement. The authors argue that the apparent similarity in deforestation scale across states masks critical differences in the agents involved, necessitating tailored regional policies.

The report finds that EU biofuel policies have significantly increased palm oil consumption, with the biofuels sector accounting for 80% of the total increase in EU palm oil use between 2006 and 2012. It argues that the low cost and high yield of palm oil make it a 'marginal vegetable oil' that replaces domestic feedstocks like rapeseed. The authors warn that without reducing subsidies for food-based biofuels, the EU will likely see a 40% increase in palm oil consumption by 2020, potentially exacerbating deforestation and carbon emissions in tropical forests and peatlands.

The study identifies nine significant variables that determine how smallholder farmers in Nguru, Nigeria, adapt to climate change, finding that agricultural labor force has the strongest positive influence on adaptation strategies.

The study analyzes the drivers of reduced deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon from 2000 to 2010, specifically comparing the impact of agricultural prices against conservation policies introduced in 2004 and 2008. Using regression techniques and counterfactual simulation, the research finds that conservation policies were responsible for preventing the deforestation of approximately 62,000 square kilometers between 2005 and 2009. This is equivalent to preserving 620 million tons of stored carbon, valued at an estimated 11.5 billion USD. While crop prices generally correlate positively with deforestation, cattle prices show a more complex, heterogeneous effect. The document concludes that while market conditions played a role, the strategic policy interventions—including improved monitoring via DETER, the expansion of protected areas, and stricter rural credit requirements—were the decisive factors in slowing forest loss.

The analysis concludes that conservation policies implemented in 2004 and 2008 were effective in curbing deforestation in the Brazilian Legal Amazon, accounting for approximately half of the avoided deforestation between 2005 and 2009. While agricultural crop prices showed a positive causal effect on deforestation, the impact of livestock prices was heterogeneous. The policies prevented the loss of 62,000 km² of forest, equivalent to 620 million tons of carbon storage, with an estimated value of 11.5 billion USD (though one section mentions 3.1 billion USD). Key policy interventions included the PPCDAm, real-time satellite monitoring (DETER), the creation of protected areas, and conditional credit requirements for agricultural activities.

The study examines how insurgent violence influenced electoral manipulation during Afghanistan's 2009 presidential election. Using a forensic 'last-digit' test validated by a physical recount, the authors find an inverted-U shaped relationship: moderate violence increases fraud by limiting the presence of election observers, but extreme violence decreases fraud by disrupting the loyalty networks required to manipulate results. The analysis further distinguishes between the incumbent and the challenger, finding that the challenger's fraud exhibits 'spatial displacement'—shifting to neighboring districts when local violence is too high—whereas the incumbent's fraud, tied to official state apparatus, does not.

The study finds that U.S. building energy codes lead to a 10% decrease in energy use per housing unit and a 16% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, outperforming the 5% savings predicted by engineering simulation models.

The study finds that building energy codes in the U.S. are associated with a roughly 10% decrease in primary energy use per housing unit and a 16% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions per average code household. These results are consistent with, and potentially higher than, standard engineering simulation estimates. The analysis also identifies a fuel-switching effect, where codes encourage a shift toward natural gas and away from other fuels like fuel oil, likely due to code provisions allowing tradeoffs between building envelope efficiency and high-efficiency equipment.

The study analyzes how EU ETS carbon pricing and allowance allocations influence the strategic decisions of manufacturing firms. Key findings indicate that while many firms implement basic energy-saving measures, a significant portion of EU ETS participants engage passively with the market. Crucially, the research identifies a causal link between the stringency of emissions caps and 'clean' product innovation, suggesting that generous free allowance allocations may actually hinder innovation by reducing the signaling effect for senior management.

Based on interviews with approximately 800 manufacturing firms in Belgium, France, Germany, Hungary, Poland, and the UK, the study examines how carbon pricing influences corporate behavior. It finds that while many firms implement energy-saving measures and process innovation, product innovation is more strongly driven by the expected stringency of emissions caps. The research highlights a 'trading threshold' where firms with small excess allowances avoid the market and suggests that generous free allocation of allowances may hinder innovation by reducing the signaling effect of tight carbon budgets to senior management.

The research establishes a baseline for sustainable development (SD) among 1,551 tenth grade students in Manitoba using three composite indexes. Findings indicate that while students possess relatively high knowledge (mean 2.12) and favourable attitudes (mean 2.14) toward SD, their actual supportive behaviours are less pronounced (mean 2.83). Regression analysis reveals that knowledge and attitudes only explain 21% of the variation in sustainable behaviours, with attitudes being a more influential predictor than knowledge. The study highlights a particular strength in students' support for gender equality and environmental protection, but notes confusion regarding the United Nations' Millennium Development Goals.

The paper examines the correlation between CO2 emissions per capita and PPP-adjusted GDP per capita across 174 countries, using China to illustrate the challenges of balancing development with emissions reductions. It finds that income is the strongest determinant of emissions and argues that current high-income lifestyles are incompatible with low-carbon stabilization targets, necessitating technological innovation.

The report details the development of survey instruments to measure sustainable development (SD) literacy among Manitoban adults and students. Findings indicate that while general knowledge and positive attitudes toward SD are high, they do not strongly translate into sustainable behaviours. For adults, favourable attitudes and general education levels were the strongest predictors of sustainable behaviour, whereas for students, gender and attitudes were more influential. The authors conclude that current survey items lack sufficient discriminating power to serve as definitive standardized tests, but provide a baseline for future monitoring of the UN Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (DESD).