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The paper analyzes the civil war between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), arguing that the conflict has become a proxy war for Middle Eastern powers. It details how external military support from countries like the UAE, Egypt, and Iran sustains the fighting and how a proliferation of uncoordinated, ad hoc mediation initiatives—often led by these same regional actors—has marginalized civilian political actors and hindered a comprehensive peace agreement.

The policy brief assesses the failure of the Mozambican government's military-first strategy in Cabo Delgado, noting that despite interventions by Rwanda and SADC, the insurgency persists and has expanded in 2025. It identifies local grievances—including youth unemployment, religious discrimination, and economic displacement—as primary drivers of recruitment. The author advocates for a multi-level dialogue approach involving community leaders and civil society to address these root causes, while critiquing the government's tendency to frame the conflict as 'international terrorism' to avoid negotiation.

The document argues that the regionalization of the conflict in Yemen has created a fragmented mediation landscape where the United Nations' influence has diminished. Saudi Arabia's simultaneous roles as a conflict party and mediator have constrained the space for other actors and led to agreements that address immediate threats rather than underlying intra-Yemeni grievances. The author identifies a 'two-part dilemma' for mediators: deciding which actors to engage (regional rivals versus domestic parties) and determining whether to seek a narrow ceasefire or a comprehensive political solution. Ultimately, the paper concludes that military regionalization has impeded conflict ripeness, excluded non-armed civil society groups, and resulted in fragmented outcomes that fail to address the nature of the Yemeni state.

The report documents a dramatic increase in kidnappings in northern Benin, particularly in the Atacora and Alibori departments, driven primarily by Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM). Unlike criminal kidnappings for ransom, VEO-led abductions are strategic tools used for forced recruitment, intelligence gathering, punishment of collaborators, and the intimidation of local leaders to displace state influence. The study highlights the role of national parks (Pendjari and Park W) as hideouts and recruitment hubs, and recommends the development of defector protection and amnesty programmes, infrastructure improvements, and restored diplomatic cooperation with Niger and Nigeria to counter the threat.

The report analyzes the surge of kidnappings in northern Benin since 2021, identifying them as a strategic instrument used by violent extremist organisations (VEOs) like JNIM to infiltrate new territories. It distinguishes between VEO-led kidnappings—used for forced recruitment, intelligence gathering, punishment, and intimidation—and criminal kidnappings for ransom, which are more common in southern regions and linked to actors in Nigeria. The document highlights the role of national parks as hideouts and hubs for illicit economies, and recommends protection programs for defectors, amnesty, and improved local infrastructure to enhance community resilience.

The document reports that 2022 was the deadliest year for state-based conflicts in Africa since 1989, primarily due to the war in Ethiopia. While non-state conflicts are the most common type of conflict in the region, they have generally been less severe in terms of battle-related deaths than state-based conflicts. The brief also highlights a worrying trend of one-sided violence by governments and a series of military coups in Central and West Africa between 2020 and 2023.

The resurgence of the M23 rebel movement since late 2021 has displaced 600,000 people and heightened tensions between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda. The author argues that current regional efforts—including the East African Community (EAC) Regional Force, the Nairobi Process, and the Luanda Process—are insufficient because they treat symptoms rather than the root causes of instability. The paper recommends a high-level regional political process led by the AU and UN to address long-term drivers of conflict and rebuild trust between the DRC, Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi.

The report argues that Ethiopia's political transition since 2018 has been undermined by escalating inter-ethnic and communal violence. This instability is driven by a combination of militant ethno-nationalism, deep ideological divides between pan-Ethiopianism and ethnonationalism, and rivalries among political elites who mobilise the masses. The document highlights the role of state fragility, where institutional indifference, incompetence, and the complicity of some officials have allowed conflicts to proliferate. Specific regional tensions are detailed, including disputes over autonomy in the SNNP region and racial and economic grievances in Benishangul Gumuz. The report concludes that stability requires a comprehensive political settlement, an inclusive national dialogue, and the professionalisation of security forces to dismantle illicit arms networks.

The report analyzes the security landscape of West Africa, identifying a complex interplay of weak governance, economic inequality, and emerging threats like violent extremism and transnational crime. It highlights how these factors undermine regional stability and development, particularly in the Sahel. While Ghana is relatively stable, it faces risks from porous borders and internal community tensions. The document recommends pursuing economic integration via the AfCFTA, addressing youth unemployment, and strengthening regional security alliances to combat terrorism and trafficking.

The report examines the conflict in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique, highlighting that while often framed as a religious war, it is driven by resource exploitation, land grabs, and social injustice. It documents atrocities committed by both insurgents (ASWJ) and government forces (FDS), including the torture of civilians and sexual violence. The document criticises the 'Iraqization' of the region through the deployment of Rwandan and SADC troops to protect LNG infrastructure for companies like Total. It reveals how political elites have profited from mining concessions and oil and gas logistics during the conflict. The report concludes that a purely military approach is insufficient and recommends a political track, increased transparency in land concessions, and urgent humanitarian protections for internally displaced persons, particularly women and girls.

The conflict in Cabo Delgado is driven by a combination of political marginalisation, economic inequality, and climatic shocks. While the discovery of offshore natural gas promised development, it instead led to forced relocations, inadequate compensation, and unmet employment expectations, which Islamist militants have exploited for recruitment. These grievances are compounded by extreme weather events, including Cyclones Idai and Kenneth, which destroyed infrastructure and increased food insecurity. The document argues that military responses alone are insufficient and calls for inclusive natural resource governance and climate resilience strategies to address the root causes of the insurgency.

The research paper examines the Anglophone separatist conflict in Cameroon, tracing its origins to long-standing grievances over marginalisation and 'Francophonisation'. It asserts that the escalation into civil war was triggered by the violent repression of peaceful protests in 2017 and is sustained by President Paul Biya's insistence on a military solution over political accountability. The author highlights the humanitarian toll, including over 3,000 deaths and 750,000 internally displaced persons, and calls for a joint UN and African Union framework to negotiate reforms regarding Anglophone autonomy and resource management.

The document assesses the chronic instability in the Great Lakes region, specifically the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It argues that while governance failures in the DRC are often blamed, the repressive domestic policies and illicit economic interests of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi are equally significant drivers of conflict. The author suggests that the presidency of Félix Tshisekedi provides an opportunity to shift regional dynamics, provided the international community demands better governance from all regional actors and supports a comprehensive political dialogue rather than purely military solutions.

The report analyzes the drivers of ethnic conflict in contemporary Ethiopia, focusing on the cyclical relationship between political institutions and nationalist mobilizations. It argues that the 'centralised ethno federation' established by the EPRDF created fault lines that, when combined with recent political liberalization and institutional fragility, led to widespread violence. The author examines specific conflicts in the north, west, and south, applying the concepts of the 'security dilemma' and 'invidious comparison' to explain micro-level violence. The document concludes that sustainable stability requires transforming the ruling party, conducting inclusive national dialogue, and reclaiming state autonomy from mob influence.

The report attributes the rise in Ethiopia's ethnic violence, particularly since 2018, to a self-reinforcing cycle of contending ethno-nationalisms and institutional fragility. It argues that the centralized ethno-federal system created paradoxes of empowerment and disempowerment, while the ruling party (EPRDF) became fractured along ethnic lines. The author identifies 'security dilemmas'—where groups arm themselves for protection, thereby increasing the insecurity of others—as a micro-level driver of conflict. The report recommends internal party negotiations, a broad national dialogue to reconstitute the state, professionalization of security forces, and urgent job creation for youth to address economic grievances.

The report details a conflict analysis conducted in the Maiko-Tayna-Kahuzi-Biega (MTKB) landscape of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. It identifies specific conflicts in Maiko National Park, Kahuzi-Biega National Park, and the Itombwe Nature Reserve, analyzing their root causes and effects to propose targeted interventions. The document emphasizes the use of conflict-sensitive conservation (CSC) tools—such as conflict trees and stakeholder mapping—to balance biodiversity protection with the needs of local populations and the realities of regional instability.

The document examines a long-standing boundary dispute between Malawi and Tanzania, which escalated in 2012 due to the discovery of potential oil reserves. It analyzes the failure of formal legal mechanisms, such as the SADC Tribunal, and the limitations of current preventive diplomacy tools within SADC and the African Union, arguing that a lack of political will and funding hampers regional conflict resolution.

The document examines the escalating tensions between the Frelimo government and Renamo in Mozambique, triggered by Renamo's 2009 electoral defeat and subsequent claims of fraud. It assesses whether Renamo's threats to return to civil war are credible, noting that while the party lacks the external support and youth it had during the 1975-1992 conflict, it remains capable of sabotaging key infrastructure. The brief highlights internal rifts within Renamo between 'bush' and 'city' factions and the rising influence of the Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). It also discusses the geopolitical concerns of SADC members, particularly Zimbabwe and Malawi, regarding the disruption of economic corridors, and recommends sincere political dialogue and regional mediation to ensure peaceful 2014 general elections.

The report examines the intersection of biodiversity conservation and peacebuilding in post-conflict Sierra Leone. It details the current network of protected areas, which covers only 4% of the land and none of the marine territory, and identifies significant threats including demographic pressure, industrial mining, and agricultural expansion. The authors argue that while conservation can foster peace by creating jobs and promoting transparent resource governance, poorly managed efforts—such as those involving disputed boundaries or inequitable benefit-sharing—can exacerbate local tensions. The report concludes with recommendations to strengthen legislative frameworks, improve stakeholder coordination, and involve local communities in decision-making.

The report analyzes the challenges of the Afghan conflict, emphasizing the need for a proactive, inclusive peace process. It suggests that successful negotiations require third-party facilitation, a structured negotiating framework, and transitional arrangements to manage security and governance. The authors argue against narrow power-sharing between elites, proposing instead a multidimensional approach involving power-sharing, power-dividing, power-creating, and power-diffusing mechanisms across political, military, territorial, and economic dimensions to ensure long-term stability and legitimacy.